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paleoanthropology, genetics and evolution

language

  • Whorfed

    Wed, 2009-06-17 18:30 -- John Hawks

    I found an interesting essay by Lera Boroditsky on Edge, titled, "How does our language shape the way we think?" She describes cross-cultural psychology experiments that test the ways that perception is affected by language differences.

    Even basic aspects of time perception can be affected by language. For example, English speakers prefer to talk about duration in terms of length (e.g., "That was a short talk," "The meeting didn't take long"), while Spanish and Greek speakers prefer to talk about time in terms of amount, relying more on words like "much" "big", and "little" rather than "short" and "long" Our research into such basic cognitive abilities as estimating duration shows that speakers of different languages differ in ways predicted by the patterns of metaphors in their language. (For example, when asked to estimate duration, English speakers are more likely to be confused by distance information, estimating that a line of greater length remains on the test screen for a longer period of time, whereas Greek speakers are more likely to be confused by amount, estimating that a container that is fuller remains longer on the screen.)

    I'd like to have seen more historical background -- the name Benjamin Lee Whorf isn't mentioned, for example -- and some more critical commentary on the negative evidence. But the positive examples are each interesting and help to show the subtle quality of the effects that today's psychologists mean when they talk about language influencing perception.

  • How the FOXP2 transgenic mice squeak

    Thu, 2009-05-28 12:47 -- John Hawks

    Nicholas Wade today covers a new study by Wolfgang Enard and colleagues, in which they generated transgenic mice expressing the human-derived version of FOXP2.

    Naturally, the mice squeak differently.

    In a region of the brain called the basal ganglia, known in people to be involved in language, the humanized mice grew nerve cells that had a more complex structure and produced less dopamine, a chemical that transmits signals from one neuron to another. Baby mice utter ultrasonic whistles when removed from their mothers. The humanized baby mice, when isolated, made whistles that had a slightly lower pitch, among other differences, Dr. Enard says. Discovering that humanized mice whistle differently may seem a long way from understanding how language evolved. Dr. Enard argues that putting significant human genes into mice is the only feasible way of exploring the essential differences between people and chimps, our closest living relatives.

    Interestingly, the human version fills in "perfectly for the mouse version in all the mouse’s tissues except for the brain." Well, I suppose that is to say that there are no measured changes in other tissues where FOXP2 is expressed.

    I pointed to a study of FOXP2 knockout mice in 2005, and that study is mentioned here as well.

    Meanwhile, if you want to hear mice squeak, the Times includes an audio file. Oh, and the Stuart Little element:

    “People shouldn’t think of this as the one language gene but as part of broader cascade of genes,” [Gary Marcus] said. “It would have been truly spectacular if they had wound up with a talking mouse.”

  • Decay processes of language lexicons

    Sat, 2009-02-28 12:00 -- John Hawks

    The Telegraph has a short article on Mark Pagel's research into reconstructing ancient languages:

    Dr Pagel has tracked how words have changed by comparing languages from the Indo-European family, which includes most of the past and present languages of Europe, the Middle East and the Indian sub-continent.

    He has been able to track the evolutionary history of Indo-European back using a computer and said that some of the oldest words were well over 10,000 years old even though the original Indo-European language is thought to date back no more than 9,000 years.

    "I can say with confidence that there are sounds or words that predate Indo-European," he said. "If you look at 'thou', 'I' and 'who', we can now tell they are probably at least 15,000 to 20,000 years old. The sounds used then for these meanings were probably very similar to those used today."

    Pagel is far from alone in reconstructing proto-Indo-European, of course, but he is introducing evolutionary methods to the problem -- called "glottochronology" -- in a unique way.

    The press release from IBM is actually more infomative (the project used an IBM supercomputer for its analysis):

    Looking to the future, the less frequently certain words are used, the more likely they are to be replaced. Other simple rules have been uncovered - numerals evolve the slowest, then nouns, then verbs, then adjectives. Conjunctions and prepositions such as: ‘and’, ‘or’, ‘but’ and ‘on’, ‘over’, ‘against’ evolve the fastest, some as much as 100 times faster than numerals. ‘Throw’ which is expected to evolve quickly, has a half-life of 900 years, there are 42 unrelated sounds for it across all the languages. In 10,000 years time, it will likely have been replaced in 10 of them – possibly including English, unless of course we all do our part to keep the word in circulation.

    “50% of the words we use today would be unrecognisable to our ancestors living 2,500 years ago. If a time-traveller came to us, and told us he wanted to go back to that period, we could arm him with the appropriate phrase book, and hopefully keep him out of trouble” explained Mark Pagel, Professor of Evolutionary Biology at the University of Reading.

    I'll have to wait to see the paper. I will be interested to get an idea of some of the dates they are proposing for language families and their relations.

    There are still questions that would pose problems for this method. If we have to rely on highly-conserved words to do chronologies of language relations deeper than 5000 years, we are limited to a very small subset of words in any given language. How likely are these conserved words to be borrowed -- causing similarities without recent ancestry? Are the probabilities of change across many languages over a short time (the source of the statistic) really comparable to the probability of change in a few ancient languages over a long time?

    UPDATE (2009-02-28): A linguistically-minded reader writes:

    Regarding this recent post in your blog, I was surprised to see you actually recommend the press release by IBM and the University of Reading ("The press release from IBM is actually more infomative ..."). Even an amateur linguist like myself can see that it's crap. There's been considerable discussion on Language Log, starting from the BBC interview, where Pagel was induced to make a right fool of himself, linguistically speaking (which doesn't say anything one way or the other about his computer expertise, of course).

    You can find the Language Log story here, along with comments. I always withhold judgment on a piece of work until I've read it myself, but I certainly sympathize with those who think the story was poorly reported in the press.

    Particularly the one with the headline "Handy phrasebook for Doctor Who".

  • Language, speech, and early humans

    Sun, 2009-02-22 16:25 -- John Hawks

    I'm doing a little literature review this week on Middle Pleisocene postcrania. On a somewhat tangential topic, the description of the Sima de los Huesos cervical vertebrae, by Gómez-Olivencia and colleagues (2007), includes a nice summary of the current knowledge of the thoracic vertebral canal of KNM-WT 15000 and other early Homo specimens.

    Much attention has been devoted to vertebral-canal size and its relationship to spoken language. One factor in the evolution of human language that would be reflected in vertebral-canal morphology is increased breath control (MacLarnon, 1993, MacLarnon and Hewitt, 2004). Modern humans have an enlarged thoracic vertebral canal, reflecting a larger amount of gray matter. Based on the morphology of the KNM-WT 15000 individual, a narrower thoracic canal has been proposed for Homo ergaster, indicating that this species may only have been capable of short, unmodulated utterances, such as those used by extant nonhuman primates (MacLarnon and Hewitt, 1999). However, significant abnormalities have been found in the KNM-WT 15000 individual (Latimer and Ohman, 2001), which could indicate some form of axial dysplasia, and so the small canal may be a reflection of a neural-canal stenosis associated with the pathology. In contrast, Schiess et al. (2006) argued that the diagnosis of a congenital dysplasia is not supported, indicating that the pathological lesions in the KNM-WT 15000 individual may not be as severe as previously reported. Moreover, the Dmanisi vertebrae (Meyer, 2005 and Meyer et al., 2006), which are the oldest known for the genus Homo, follow the modern human pattern in all regions, as the raw and relative sizes of the vertebral canals fall well within the human range, indicating that these hominins may have had fine control of the respiratory muscles involved in spoken language (Meyer, 2005 and Meyer et al., 2006).

    Arsuaga et al. (1997a) showed that the mean cranial capacity of SH's three most complete crania (1245 cm3) (Arsuaga et al., 1993 and Arsuaga et al., 1997c) is slightly less than that of two comparative samples from the Hamann-Todd Osteological Collection. However, given the large body-weight estimates for these hominins, their encephalization quotients are below both modern human or Neandertal values (Arsuaga et al., 1999). In Neandertals, higher encephalization quotients are reached by expansion of the cranial capacity, while in modern humans it is mainly achieved by a reduction in body mass (Arsuaga et al., 1999 and Carretero et al., 2004). In addition to the parallel trends in encephalization in these two lineages, the absolute size of the bony vertebral canal in the upper cervical spine reached modern human values by the middle Pleistocene. Preliminary studies (Carretero et al., 1999, Gómez et al., 2004 and Gómez-Olivencia, 2005) have shown that the SH lower cervical spine's canal had a similar size compared to modern humans, but a full assessment of this anatomical region will not be possible until larger sets of cervical and thoracic vertebrae are associated. In any case, as demonstrated by Martínez et al. (2004), the SH hominins had the skeletal characteristics of the outer and middle ear that support the perception of spoken language (Gómez-Olivencia et al. 2007:22).

    The Meyer references are to Marc Meyer's dissertation on the Dmanisi vertebral remains and a subsequent conference presentation. I think those are more than sufficient to say that this particular piece of anatomy isn't evidence for restricted breathing control in early Homo. I don't have much more to say, just though these two paragraphs sum up a lot of information in a useful way.

    References:

    Gómez-Olivencia A, Carretero JM, Arsuaga JL, Rodríguez-García L, García-González R, Martínez I. 2007. Metric and morphological study of the upper cervical spine from the Sima de los Huesos site (Sierra de Atapuerca, Burgos, Spain). J Hum Evol 53:6-25. doi:10.1016/j.jhevol.2006.12.006

  • Language Log points to my research

    Tue, 2008-09-02 21:44 -- John Hawks

    Language Log links to that Science News piece about my work, with a lot of interesting commentary. An old college friend saw it and let me know -- it's amazing what a small world it is sometimes! The post is by Mark Liberman, who expresses great interest in the possibility of selection in association with language evolution.

    Liberman also raises the possibility of selection on music appreciation:

    But my remark in passing about adaptation for music was not just a random joke — music is certainly the most obvious human activity where sub-semitone frequency discrimination of single tones is useful.

    A graduate student raised that issue after my talk this spring, and it is a very interesting one. I don't have a lot else to say right now, because the work is still underway.

  • Darwin, languages, and genetics

    Wed, 2008-08-27 23:42 -- John Hawks

    How are languages and genes related to each other? Anthropology is an interdiscipinary subject, and this is probably the topic that pushes that envelope the furthest, in terms of calling on the expertise of many different disciplines in the humanities and sciences.

    As an organizing principle, many workers have begun with the hypothesis that languages and genes each form genealogical relationships among populations, and that the coevolution of languages and populations should make these genealogies resemble each other. In other words, French, Spanish, Portuguese and Italian all descend from Latin, and the present-day populations of France, Spain, Portugal, and Italy all descend from the population of the Roman Empire. Hence, the relations of the languages and the relations of the populations are parallel to each other.

    This general idea is older than Darwin’s Origin of Species, but Darwin’s words on the subject have been quoted more often than anyone else’s:

    If we possessed a perfect pedigree of mankind, a genealogical arrangement of the races of man would afford the best classification of the various languages now spoken throughout the world (Darwin1859, 422).

    Like many of Darwin’s words, however, these are generally pulled from the surrounding context without further discussion. The sentence actually serves as an example in Darwin’s defense of the phylogenetic tree as a description of relationships. In the previous paragraph, he points out that the similarities among different species cannot be made to fit any simple series. Instead, a hierarchical, genealogical arrangement can account for many of their similarities and differences. And after this sentence, he describes differences in rate of language change as an analogy for the evolution of organisms:

    If we possessed a perfect pedigree of mankind, a genealogical arrangement of the races of man would afford the best classification of the various languages now spoken throughout the world; and if all extinct languages, and all intermediate and slowly changing dialects, had to be included, such an arrangement would, I think, be the only possible one. Yet it might be that some very ancient language had altered little, and had given rise to few new languages, whilst others (owing to the spreading and subsequent isolation and states of civilisation of the several races, descended from a common race) had altered much, and had given rise to many new languages and dialects. The various degrees of difference in the languages from the same stock, would have to be expressed by groups subordinate to groups; but the proper or even only possible arrangement would still be genealogical; and this would be strictly natural, as it would connect together all languages, extinct and modern, by the closest affinities, and would give the filiation and origin of each tongue (Darwin1859, 422–423).

    Thus, Darwin’s discussion—in which language relationships are an example—raises two separate issues: (1) Whether similarities are described by seriation or hierarchy, and (2) Whether differences arise at a constant or changing rate. His readers would have been aware of historical linguistics, including the observation that no ”Great Chain” of languages could be constructed out of grammatical and phonological changes that are manifestly hierarchical. Likewise, they would be familiar with two ancient languages that had manifested long-term stasis in a small community of speakers.

    These points discussed by Darwin remain active elements of debate about the relationships of recent human languages and genes:

    • How much of linguistic diversity is attributable to the genealogical relations among languages, and how much derives from horizontal modes of transmission, such as the borrowing of words and syntactic patterns?
    • How often do populations undergo language shifts?
    • How much of human genetic variation is attributable to ancient population divergences, and how much to recent gene flow?
    • Are genes today the same as those present in ancient populations, or have they been replaced by selection or other demographic processes?

    Each point considers a way that the genealogy of languages may come to differ from genetic relationships of populations. Within a single generation, there is a very high concordance between language and genes: People inherit their genes from their parents, and they tend to learn the same language as their parents. But only a slight mismatch in each generation may, over the course of many generations, add up to a huge difference in the histories of the two systems. And if those differences are biased in some direction, instead of random noise, then they may not only obscure the real history; they may strongly point to a false one.

    To return to our example: French, Spanish, Portuguese, and Italian are not the only major Romance languages: there is also Romanian, for example. Romanians are genetically most similar to their neighbors in southeastern Europe, such as Serbs and Greeks—neither Romance speakers. In this case, population movements after the Roman period, such as the migrations of Slavic peoples, transformed the languages spoken in the Balkans without fundamentally altering the genetic similarities. And the persistence of Greek reminds us that the vast expansion of the Roman empire could not supplant some linguistic communities, and did not itself erase some earlier genetic patterns.

    So should we expect the ”perfect pedigree” of human populations to resemble the genealogy of languages? It would help if there were factors that tended to reinforce such similarities instead of destroying them. We have to go beyond the simple statistical comparison of language and gene trees, which over enough time really shouldn’t resemble each other very much—at least, if the deviations in their evolutionary patterns are just noise. Instead, we have to consider how demography shapes genetic and linguistic transfer.

    References


       Darwin C. 1859. On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life. John Murray, London.

  • Hearing at Atapuerca

    Sun, 2008-07-13 17:26 -- John Hawks

    A story in Science News by writer Tia Ghose, about the hearing capacities of the Atapuerca/Sima de los Huesos people, has been making the rounds, including Slashdot. I've been working on this question of hearing evolution (and my AAPA paper this spring was on the subject), so I don't have a lot to say. But if you've never heard about this before, the original study by Ignacio Martínez and colleagues, has been out since 2004.

    The results are quite clear: the Atapuerca middle ears (including the ossicles and shape of the canal) have a sound transmission potential that is maximal in the frequency range used by human speech, a range that chimpanzee middle ears do not amplify well. That seems pretty likely to indicate co-evolution of human auditory and vocal capabilities in the time before 500,000 years ago. Does that mean language? It certainly seems likely to mean some kind of vocal communication not shared with other hominoids, but that need not include every element of present-day human language.

    Why is it news now? I suppose it's probably because Martínez et al. recently presented their research at the Acoustic Society of America. another paper on the research, in the Journal of the Acoustic Society of America. The abstract is available online.

  • Communication not language in the brain

    Wed, 2008-07-02 13:56 -- John Hawks

    Wired's Brandon Keim covers a new study by Susan Goldin-Meadow, which shows a conflict between linguistic and gestural communication strategies:

    "This may reflect the real thought that comes before language," said study co-author Susan Goldin-Meadow, a University of Chicago psychologist. "It seems pretty natural."

    Goldin-Meadow's team asked forty people -- ten speakers apiece of English, Mandarin Chinese and Spanish, each of which follows the SVO order, and ten speakers of Turkish, which follows an SOV order -- to describe a series of simple actions, such as a girl turning a knob, with gestures.

    Regardless of their native language, the subjects almost universally preceded object with verb: girl knob turns.
    "We expected that the language they spoke would influence the language of their gestures, but it didn't," said Goldin-Meadow.

    They propose the "meaning" of the study is that the gestural strategy here reflects the actual structure of symbolic communication in the brain. In that view, the linguistic version is a language-specific translation of the brain's version.

  • Is language extinction a good thing?

    Sun, 2008-02-24 09:57 -- John Hawks

    That's the question posed by Ronald Butters in a recent book review, discussed by Geoffrey Pullum at Language Log. The book is Language in the USA, edited by Edward Finegan and John Rickford. I don't get Language, but Pullum pulls this quote from Butters:

    What they do not really explain is why [language extinction] is necessarily anything other than a rather good thing. Shouldn't we WANT to 'integrate' -- read 'absorb' -- these worthy people into mainstream economic and cultural life? Isn't it just inevitable? Isn't that why I am a member of the educated middle class and not mucking around without indoor plumbing in some Swedish monolingual farm community like my mother's grandparents? Yamamoto and Zepeda's answer (177), to someone who believes in the prevalent American linguistic ideologies, seems both effetely romantic and hideously self-serving: (a) 'When we lose a language, it means a "tremendous loss to the cultural richness and distinctness of the native communities" (Goddard 1996:3)'; and (b) 'the loss of linguistic diversity is a loss to scholarship and science'. Most of the students and other naifs who may be forced to read this book come from families who wear nice clothes and live in nice houses with numerous electronic appliances and good foreign cars in the driveway; most of the rest come from families who are struggling to find the means to live that way. Should people really be forced (or even encouraged) to 'preserve' languages if to do so might stand in their way of achieving middle-class comforts -- even if they get some vague additional promise of 'cultural richness' -- simply because linguists want to be able to study the living languages?

    Pullum reflects on this point, paraphrasing it and calling for tolerance of this view:

    In short, widespread faith in the ideal of linguistic and cultural assimilation should -- especially in a democracy -- be treated with respect and considered thoughtfully, not snapped at as if it were ignorant bigotry.

    Which makes me sort of wonder just how sore this point is among linguists. The rest of Pullum's post emphasizes the diversity of attitudes attributed to linguists on this issue. He points out instances where linguists are painted as the "bad guys" because they have claimed that language extinction cannot possibly be stopped:

    An odd coincidence is that in the week that this issue of Language reached me, the obituary of the week in The Economist (February 9th) was about Marie Smith, the last speaker of the now extinct language Eyak. But far from echoing anything like the tough-minded what-economic-benefit thinking that Butters alludes to, the Economist obituarist's discussion of the Eyak language, though well-written and interesting, is entirely devoted to sentimental musing about its many words for trees and roots and spruce needles and resin and abalone and nets and mixing bowls, and the way the word for "leaf" was the same as the word for "feather", as if that were the crucial thing we needed linguistic diversity for. It even adds, apropos of Marie Smith's dream of a future revival of the Eyak language: "impossible, scoffed the experts: in an age where perhaps half the planet's languages will disappear over the next century, killed by urban migration or the internet or the triumphal march of English, Eyak has no chance."

    This post got picked up by Megan McArdle, guest-blogging at Instapundit, who added her own reflection:

    LIKE MOST IRISH-AMERICANS, I have a sort of vague sentimental notion that the conversion of Ireland to an English-speaking nation is a linguistic and cultural tragedy. Like most Irish-Americans, I also would not want to actually live in a non-English-speaking nation. What I really want is to have learned Irish from my Grandmother, and be able to impress friends by ordering drinks in my ancestral tongue while on holiday. This is the sort of thing that makes my Irish friends complain--justly--that Irish-Americans would really like to see the whole country preserved as a sort of Colonial Williamsburg with shamrocks and twee wool caps.

    Why is it that writing about linguistics brings out the witty language use? I guess I'm an exception, in not being especially inspired to write wittily about language. In fact, I have nothing original to say on this subject at all, but I think it's fascinating to read other peoples' takes on it.

    McArdle's post got picked up by Confessions of a Language Addict:

    Ironically, the French people whose culture is slowly destroying Breton culture are largely other people whose regional cultures were destroyed by the Paris-dominated version of French culture. If you root for the Bretons to make a comeback, do you also root for the Provençaux, the Alsatians, etc.? If you do, soon there's no such thing as French culture, and that prestigious world language you spent so much time learning is just the regional dialect of the middle of what Caesar called Gaul. That's no good!

    It is true -- today's languages are inevitably the result of past language extinctions. Somehow people have an easier time imagining the complexity of the situation when they consider relict European languages -- but the issues are similar everywhere: power and economic participation favor strongly the adoption of already-common languages; tradition and community oppose the loss of distinctive dialects and languages. These forces interact in complicated ways: In some professions, a down-home southern accent may be a necessity; in others it's charming; in still others it's a career-killer.

    We may say, "Sure, but the Normans, Bretons, and Burgundians got something much more for giving up their dialects than today's indigenous peoples are getting -- and those dialects and languages ultimately weren't nearly so distinctive as many native languages being lost today." But that's only obvious in hindsight, and is a highly selective view of history in any event. Did the Irish gain when Gaelic was suppressed? Sure, their descendants gained some things, but lost others -- including a degree of cultural isolation. More important, the things gained by the descendants were hardly the priorities of the ancestors.

    But that's why our ancestors don't get to make our choices for us.

  • Punctuational language evolution

    Sat, 2008-02-02 12:52 -- John Hawks

    This week's Science has an interesting paper by Quentin Atkinson and colleagues, titled "Languages evolve in punctuational bursts." It's a brief communication, so there's no abstract, but here's the conclusion:

    Our results, representing thousands of years of language evolution, identify a general tendency for newly formed sister languages to diverge in their fundamental vocabulary initially at a rapid pace, followed by longer periods of slower and gradual divergence. Punctuational bursts in phonology, morphology, and syntax, or at later times of language contact, may also occur. Linguistic founder effects could cause these rapid changes if newly formed languages emerge in small groups, such as in Austronesian. Alternatively, as the example of American English illustrates, speakers often use language not just as a means of communication but as a tool with social functions, including promoting cohesion and group identity (6, 7). Punctuational language change may thus reflect a human capacity to rapidly adjust languages at critical times of cultural evolution, such as during the emergence of new and rival groups.

    They studied Bantu, Indo-European, Austronesian, and Polynesian language families, which leads to a possible criticism: each of these families is associated with one or more large-scale geographic dispersals, so how do we assess whether sheer distance is the cause of rapid changes instead of splitting by itself? I expect that they would respond that their method doesn't really test the difference between these scenarios (both being potentially "punctuational"), and therefore the details must be resolved by examining more language families.

    Anyway, I think the most likely hypothesis for why languages might change quickly at or around their origin is that these times are the most likely to involve relatively small communities of speakers. In this case, different language families might share the feature that most changes occur near the time of language splitting, even though the families have different overall rates of change. That appears to be what the data show. Additionally, the effect of splitting might be less for groups that maintain smaller population sizes in between language splits. If this were true of the Austronesian language family, the data also would be consistent with this prediction.

    Still, I wouldn't like to be in the position of trying to quantify language differences in all the categories this paper includes. It's a straightforward statistical analysis once you have the data, but these are hard data to acquire systematically in a comparable way.

    References:

    Atkinson QD, Meade A, Venditti C, Greenhill SJ, Pagel M. 2008. Languages evolve in punctuational bursts. Science 319:588. doi:10.1126/science.1149683

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