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  • Neandertal introgression, 1000 Genomes style

    Sat, 2011-12-10 18:16 -- John Hawks

    For our project to understand pigmentation genetics in archaic humans, we had to find a good comparative sample of sequence data from recent humans. The original publication on the draft Neandertal genomes compared them to five low-coverage genomes from different Old World populations, along with the publicly available genomes from Craig Venter and others [1]. The first publication on the Denisova genome added an additional handful of genomes to these comparisons [2].

    Some of these handful of genomes from living people are more similar to the Neandertal and Denisova genomes than others. That simple fact is the proof that some living people have Neandertal and Denisovan ancestors.

    But until now, the comparison has been limited to a very small number of human genomes. That became a focus for critics of the Neandertal and Denisovan results. How could three or four genome sequences possibly provide an adequate representation of human variability? We could imagine scenarios in which the similarities between Neandertal and humans could be explained by some unsampled population, for example, northeast Africans [3]. Denisova does not present the same problem, because African population structure cannot possibly explain its resemblance to populations in Wallacea, Australia, and Oceania [2] [4]. But to compare either of these genomes, we should seek a broader sampling of genomes from living people.

    As I wrote yesterday, my students and I have been working to understand pigmentation genetics of the archaic human genomes ("Pigmentation of archaic humans: introduction"). I've emphasized the need to break the analysis into small steps. For this question, we need to examine whether the pattern of introgression around pigmentation genes is characteristic of the genome as a whole. If genes involved in pigmentation have systematically higher or lower levels of Neandertal ancestry, that will tell us a lot about the evolutionary history of pigmentation in recent and archaic humans. For this, we need a good comparative sample, and the 1000 Genomes Project provides the best sample available.

    The first step in assessing the pattern of introgression for pigmentation genes is to characterize the pattern of introgression across the whole genome.

    Yes, a whole-genome introgression analysis sounds awfully big for my "small steps" concept. But actually this is simpler than it might sound. Here's a teaser:

    The figures in this post are not from a whole-genome analysis; they include data from eight chromosomes that we prioritized because of our pigmentation analysis. I am licensing all of them under a Creative Commons ShareAlike license so that anyone can use them anywhere.

    UPDATE (2011-12-10): I finished the whole genome analysis and am updating this post and figures accordingly. The results are the same throughout, with the exception of the Europe-East Asia comparison, which now shows these populations to be significantly different across the genome as a whole. I have partially updated the figures and will finish these later today.

    The value of sequences

    The 1000 Genomes Project data have been updated several times in the last year, as both sequencing and analysis of the genomes have progressed (more information on 1000 Genomes Project website). We downloaded a release of SNP genotype calls from 1094 individuals, based on the low-coverage (average 4x) sequencing that has been carried out on the sample.

    A SNP (single nucleotide polymorphism) is a nucleotide site with at least two alleles present in the global human sample. These sites represent only one kind of genetic variation in today's populations. Many of the differences between people's genes are caused by insertions, duplications, deletions, transpositions, or inversions. But those kinds of polymorphisms can be challenging to study in low-coverage genomes, and we already understand quite a lot about SNPs in human populations from the earlier HapMap project [5] [6]. The HapMap provided the data underlying our 2007 paper on the acceleration of recent human evolution ("Why human evolution accelerated") [7].

    The drawback of earlier SNP variation projects is that they examined only a subset of SNP variation in a sample of people. To design a microchip that could provide a million or more SNP genotypes from a saliva sample, somebody first had to discover where in the genome SNPs could be found. So they took small samples of people, sometimes only a single person's two copies of the genome, and sequenced. Adding together SNPs found by several methods, they could get a representation of SNP variation across the whole genome in a population. But this process introduced a bias: the SNPs were ascertained in a sample that inevitably could not represent humans in other samples with the same accuracy. Initially, SNP samples were heavily biased toward people of European ancestry (upon whom most genetic work was originally done), and the HapMap project went to great efforts to increase the representation of other populations. But even with the best possible ascertainment, interpreting SNP variation requires us to jump through some theoretical hoops.

    Sequence data make life much easier for the population geneticist. Seriously, working on this stuff on the whiteboard is fun instead of a constant nightmare of sampling biases and spaces between markers. I have a bias myself, in that I find recombination hard to deal with. I love reticulation among populations, but I'd rather work with genealogies that look like proper trees instead of a liana-strewn mess. So looking at sequence data over short intervals makes me happy. Not as happy as beer aged in bourbon barrels, but happy.

    The 1000 Genomes Project SNP files represent every SNP mutation observed in the sample. In other words, these are sequence data, just with all the fixed (and therefore redundant) sites removed. Even so, these sequence data are not perfect. Low coverage means that some rare mutations in the sampled individuals will go unreported. We aren't typically interested in singleton mutations in the sample, except that missing them will introduce a bias upon our estimates of the time that common ancestors lived. Next-gen sequence reads are usually fairly riddled with errors. High coverage allows these errors to be removed with some confidence, but low-coverage genomes risk throwing out real SNPs along with the spurious ones. The publicly available files represent some analytical steps that we do not here control, so we have to work with the understanding that the data are not perfect.

    The 1000 Genomes SNP files have had a phasing algorithm applied to them, which attempts to assign genotypes to chromosomes. In essence, phasing tries to figure out whether adjacent SNP alleles belong to the same copy or to different copies of the same chromosome. The details of this phasing are not yet apparent, and for many reasons I am cautious about using phased data. The inference is often inaccurate for rare mutations, and the whole process tends to sneak assumptions about population history into the resulting dataset. I hate being forced to live with someone else's assumptions about human population history, and I typically try to avoid needing phased data. In this case, it looks like the data over short intervals are as accurate as they can be, given the limitations on coverage and sampling. We have moved forward by applying methods that make a bare minimum of assumptions.

    Counting derived SNP alleles

    David Reich and colleagues came up with an appealingly simple test of introgression, which they applied to both the Neandertal and Denisovan genomes. Eric Durand, Reich, Nick Patterson and Monty Slatkin described the method formally this year [8], which they call the D-statistic. Informally, this has become known as the ABBA-BABA test, after their labels for the discordant genealogies that the test compares. By and large, across the genome, humans living today share many more new mutations with each other than they do with an archaic human like a Neandertal. But sometimes two genomes are different from each other, and one of them shares a new mutation with the Neandertal.

    A human might share a mutation with a Neandertal because it actually isn't very new, and both inherited the mutation from some much more ancient population of humans. This scenario is called "incomplete lineage sorting", because humans today have multiple gene lineages that existed within some very ancient population, instead of these having been "sorted" cleanly into the different human and Neandertal populations. Incomplete lineage sorting does happen a lot between humans, Neandertals, and Denisovans. ILS is the normal mode of variation among recent human populations, who trace their genealogical histories back much further than the earliest "modern" humans. So if one human has a Neandertal allele, and another human has a different allele, it's probably no big deal. They both just inherited gene variants that already existed in our distant common ancestors.

    You can probably see already that if we had a way to estimate the age of an allele, we could tell whether incomplete lineage sorting is a credible explanation for any particular site. I'll leave that point for another post.

    In the meantime, if we pretend that we know nothing at all about the ages of alleles, we must find some other way to tell whether incomplete lineage sorting can explain Neandertal similarities. Reich and colleagues recognized that incomplete lineage sorting from ancient pre-Neandertal ancestors ought to be distributed equally among living people. If we look at every site in the genome where we have data from Neandertals, we should find that one living human genome should look like the Neandertal just as often as another.

    This insight led to their test. Take a pair of humans, count the number of times sequence A is like the Neandertal and sequence B is like a chimpanzee, and then do the inverse — B then A. ABBA-BABA.

    Why a chimpanzee? In most cases the chimpanzee allele will represent the ancestral state for humans. Living people can inherit ancestral alleles from Neandertals as well as derived ones, but the derived ones tend to be rarer and younger within human populations. If one living genome shares an ancestral allele with the Neandertal genome, we don't need incomplete lineage sorting or introgression to explain the pattern. For all we know, such a mutation originated after Neandertals were already gone. So we need to pay attention to the derived mutations, ones that are present in Neandertals but not in chimpanzees. Do a count of these across the genome, and if you find a living genome with significantly more than another, you've found evidence for introgression.

    Ed Green, David Reich and colleagues [1] [2] did a comparison of every possible pair of genomes in their modern human sample. These sequence data were gappy, so that sequence A might share different coverage with B than with sequence C. So it was necessary to consider each pair separately, counting all the sites where both human sequence and the Neandertal and chimpanzee sequences had data.

    The 1000 Genomes Project sample reports genotypes for every SNP for every sampled individual. So in principle, every pair of sequences should have data for every one of these sites. Again, we have to be cautious about the nature of the sequencing, attending to the possibility of systematic biases due to low coverage. But we really don't have to take the time-consuming step of comparing every possible pair of the 2188 resulting haploid genomes. We can just find the derived SNP alleles that are present in Neandertals and count how many of them are in each of the human sequences. If one sequence has significantly more Neandertal derived alleles than another, it had to get them somehow.

    That magic three percent

    The figure at the top of the post represents that count. Every individual in the 1000 Genomes Project dataset has two copies of the autosomal genome. Separating these two copies of the genome (basically arbitrarily) and counting up the shared derived features between each of those copies and the genome of Vindija 33.16, we obtain the histogram. Here it is again:

    The African genomes in the 1000 Genomes sample include Yoruba from Nigeria and Luhya from Kenya. The Asian populations sampled are Japanese and Chinese, including people of Han Chinese ethnicity in Beijing and southern China. The European ancestry samples include the CEU sample from Utah, as well as British, Tuscan, Spanish and Finn samples.

    The histogram shows that Asian and European genomes have significantly more Neandertal derived SNP alleles than do the African genomes. The averages for the Asian and European samples are around 3% higher than the average for the African samples. Whatever gave Africans some degree of similarity to Neandertals, non-Africans seem to have gotten around 3% more of it.

    Green and colleagues [1] assumed conservatively that Africans share derived SNP alleles with Neandertals only because of incomplete lineage sorting from the human-Neandertal ancestral population. This fraction should be the same in all human populations, under the assumption that Africans were mostly isolated from Neandertals for some period of time. The 3% Neandertal bonus outside Africa should then represent introgression from Neandertals into recent populations outside Africa.

    Both previous studies noted that genomes outside Africa are not significantly different in the fraction of derived SNP alleles shared with Neandertals. A genome from China and a genome from France carried the same fraction of shared derived SNP alleles with Neandertals. Here, we've confirmed that basic identity in the level of introgression in these populations.

    I have told several people now that I find the distributions in China and Europe spookily similar. On parts of the genome, the two distributions have means that are not significantly different. Indeed, I worked for a week with an analysis of eight chromosomes, in which the East Asian and European means were fewer than 100 SNP alleles apart. Even across the whole genome, Europeans average only 700 derived SNP alleles more than the East Asian sample. This small difference a bit more than a tenth of a percent) is strongly significant on these sample sizes. A t-test yields a p-value of 1.1 times 10-26 on the difference in means. Even so, the distributions of these two populations overlap across most of their ranges.

    Seeing these hundreds of genomes arrayed on a histogram provides much more information than we had from a handful of genomes. It is remarkable how much dispersion there is among genomes from a single population. Although the means of these two samples are nearly the same, you can see that each of them has a large range of variation in the shared derived SNP alleles with Neandertals. This variation means that people within a single population have very different proportions of Neandertal ancestry.

    This is not a graph of people, but a separation of the two copies of SNP alleles carried by these people. That separation is phased at short scales but arbitrary on the scale of a whole chromosome, so the histogram likely understates the variance among single genomes while it overestimates to some extent the variation among people with their diploid genomes. Still, it looks likely from these comparisons that some people in Europe carry more than a percent higher Neandertal ancestry than the average, and some carry a percent less. We can use statistical methods to test this hypothesis directly as applied to individuals in the sample.

    Neandertal genes in recently admixed populations

    A sample of hundreds of people allows us to demonstrate significant differences among the genomes of different populations. Some of the 1000 Genomes Project samples are from populations that represent historically recent admixture of people who trace their ancestry to different parts of the world.

    For example, the "ASW" population sample includes African-American people who live in the Southwest United States. We know from many other genetic studies that African-Americans vary in the fraction of ancestry they derive from Europeans and from Africans. The average amount of African and European ancestry varies among African-Americans who live in different parts of the U.S., as low as 3% and as high as 20% or more in some parts of the country. The proportion among individuals varies even more. So when we consider the ASW sample, we should expect to see a lot of variation in the number of shared derived SNP alleles with Neandertals, with a mean higher than African populations.

    Which is exactly what we do see:

    The ASW sample overlaps substantially with the Yoruba sample from West Africa (Nigeria) and slightly with the CEU sample, which includes people of European ancestry in Utah. The total in the ASW genomes is more variable than either the Yoruba or CEU population samples. If the higher mean in the ASW genomes reflects European ancestry from a population like CEU, the proportion of European ancestry would be around 17% for that sample of people. It would be hard to tell from these numbers alone how much of the variation in ASW is attributable to variation in ancestry fraction, and how much is expected within a population of homogeneous ancestry. As we'll see in some other populations, there are some appreciable differences among populations within a given region, and ancestry differences may add to the variation among individuals within populations.

    We see a similar pattern when we look at the Puerto Rican sample. Individuals in this sample have some ancestry from European, Native American and African ancestors. The comparisons by Reich and colleagues [2] and Green and colleagues [1] suggested that Native American populations have the same fraction of Neandertal ancestry as other people outside Africa. In the comparison with YRI and CEU samples, Puerto Rican (PUR) genomes are intermediate, with a mean suggesting around 15% ancestry from the West African population.

    The two outlier points in the Puerto Rican sample are the two genome copies from one individual, who we would hypothesize had much higher African ancestry than the average in the sample.

    Next...

    This post has taken me much longer than I expected to get to the point of talking about variation among samples within continental regions. It turns out that, despite the similarity of European and East Asian samples in their averages, there are substantial differences between samples within each of these regions.

    For example, here's a comparison of north and south Chinese samples:

    People of Han Chinese ethnicity sampled in Beijing appear to have on average a half percent more Neandertal ancestry than people of the same ethnicity sampled in southern China. I found these kinds of differences almost everywhere I looked within regions. More later...


    References

    1. Green RE, Krause J, Briggs AW, Maricic T, Stenzel U, Kircher M, Patterson N, Li H, Zhai W, Fritz MH, et al. 2010. A Draft Sequence of the Neandertal Genome. Science [Internet] 328:710–722. Available from: http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.1188021
    2. Reich D, Green RE, Kircher M, Krause J, Patterson N, Durand EY, Viola B, Briggs AW, Stenzel U, Johnson PLF, et al. 2010. Genetic history of an archaic hominin group from Denisova Cave in Siberia. Nature [Internet] 468:1053–1060. Available from: http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/nature09710
    3. Hodgson JA, Bergey CM, and Disotell TR. 2010. Neandertal genome: the ins and outs of African genetic diversity. Current biology : CB 20:R517-9.
    4. Reich D, Patterson N, Kircher M, Delfin F, Nandineni MR, Pugach I, Ko AM-S, Ko Y-C, Jinam TA, Phipps ME, et al. 2011. Denisova admixture and the first modern human dispersals into southeast Asia and oceania. American journal of human genetics 89:516-28.
    5. The International HapMap Consortium. 2005. A Haplotype Map of the Human Genome. Nature [Internet] 437:1299–1320. Available from: http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/nature04226
    6. McVean G, Spencer CCA, and Chaix R. 2005. Perspectives on human genetic variation from the HapMap Project. PLoS genetics 1:e54.
    7. Hawks J, Wang ET, Cochran G, Harpending HC, and Moyzis RK. 2007. Recent acceleration of human adaptive evolution. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, U. S. A. [Internet] 104:20753–20758. Available from: http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.0707650104
    8. Durand EY, Patterson N, Reich D, and Slatkin M. 2011. Testing for ancient admixture between closely related populations. Molecular biology and evolution [Internet]. Available from: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/molbev/msr048
    Synopsis: 
    We're quantifying the amount of Neandertal ancestry in whole genome data from living people.
  • Meet Homo heidelbergensis

    Tue, 2011-11-15 08:28 -- John Hawks
    Synopsis: 
    The Mauer mandible is the type specimen of Homo heidelbergensis

    The Mauer mandible comes from just southeast of Heidelberg, Germany, and was found in ancient sands deposited just more than 600,000 years ago. Upon its description, the mandible was attributed to a new species, Homo heidelbergensis.

    Through the years, anthropologists considered H. heidelbergensis to be a more primitive species than Neandertals, very different from recent humans. Many anthropologists attribute other remains from the European Middle Pleistocene to this species. Probably the most important sample would be the Sima de los Huesos remains from Spain, but other crania and skeletal elements from sites across Europe have been put into the species. A few anthropologists would also include specimens from other parts of the world.

    Other anthropologists disagree. They believe that Mauer is an early member of the same population that includes Neandertals. Others would go further, noting the evidence that Neandertals are part of the ancestry of modern humans, and put Mauer into our species, Homo sapiens.

    This station has several mandibles for you to compare with Mauer, including some Neandertals, modern humans, and Homo erectus individuals.

    What to do: Compare the morphology of the Neandertal and Mauer mandibles to the modern humans. What features differ?

    Consider what you know about earlier hominid mandibles (or compare one at the station). Do you think Mauer is a possible ancestor of Neandertals? What about an ancestor of modern humans? Does it have mostly primitive dental features, or does it share derived features with one or the other?

  • The radiocarbon dating paper without a radiocarbon date

    Mon, 2011-11-07 00:17 -- John Hawks

    Nature this week released two papers about European archaeological sites that come near the end of the Neandertals and beginning of the archaeological transition to Upper Paleolithic industries. Here, I'll devote some attention to the first, by Tom Higham and colleagues [1], which discusses the morphology and dating of the maxilla fragment from Kent's Cavern, England. The paper claims that this is the oldest modern human specimen in Western Europe.

    The earliest anatomically modern humans in Europe are thought to have appeared around 43,000–42,000 calendar years before present (43–42 kyr cal BP), by association with Aurignacian sites and lithic assemblages assumed to have been made by modern humans rather than by Neanderthals. However, the actual physical evidence for modern humans is extremely rare, and direct dates reach no farther back than about 41–39 kyr cal BP, leaving a gap. Here we show, using stratigraphic, chronological and archaeological data, that a fragment of human maxilla from the Kent’s Cavern site, UK, dates to the earlier period. The maxilla (KC4), which was excavated in 1927, was initially diagnosed as Upper Palaeolithic modern human1. In 1989, it was directly radiocarbon dated by accelerator mass spectrometry to 36.4–34.7 kyr cal BP. Using a Bayesian analysis of new ultrafiltered bone collagen dates in an ordered stratigraphic sequence at the site, we show that this date is a considerable underestimate. Instead, KC4 dates to 44.2–41.5 kyr cal BP. This makes it older than any other equivalently dated modern human specimen and directly contemporary with the latest European Neanderthals...

    One thing you won't see in any of the reporting on the paper: There is no new radiocarbon date for the maxilla.

    I must admit, I was completely confused by the paper and had to read the entire thing several times! The first time, I was so busy concentrating on how they obtained their new "date estimate" that I completely missed the one sentence indicating that there is no radiocarbon result.

    The supplement gives more details. The radiocarbon dating of faunal specimens from the stratigraphy led the authors to suspect that a 1989 date for the maxilla (30,900 +/- 900 BP) was too young. One woolly rhino and two other bones above the maxilla, over a depth of around a meter, yielded radiocarbon dates around 6000 years older than this. So they went to redate the maxilla, but didn't get enough collagen to obtain a result:

    To explore this further, permission was obtained from Torquay Museum to obtain a small sample of dentine from the right P3 of the KC4 specimen for another direct date. The tooth was extracted from the maxilla and carefully sampled at the ORAU so that the external hole could not be seen from the exterior once the tooth had been replaced. Only 89 mg could be drilled due to the small size of the tooth. This produced 0.4% collagen after ultrafiltration pre-treatment, but the total amount extracted was too small for a reliable AMS measurement, so the sample was not dated (Table S2).

    So, if they didn't get a radiocarbon result from the maxilla, why are they reporting that this is the earliest modern human in Western Europe?

    What they did do: They used the radiocarbon dates on the fauna, and the depth of those faunal specimens in the stratigraphy, to interpolate a date for the maxilla in the absence of radiocarbon information. The Nature paper is simply reporting this interpolation model.

    We can look at Figure 3 of the paper to get an abbreviated picture of AMS dates for early Aurignacian human specimens in different parts of Europe. The new Kent's Cavern maxilla date is way out of this distribution.

    Figure 3 from Higham et al. [1]. Original caption: " Comparison of direct radiocarbon determinations of AMH bones from European Palaeolithic sites with the KC4 model age. Calibrated using the INTCAL09 curve12. Brackets under the distributions represent the 68.2 and 95.4% probability ranges, respectively. The PDF derived from the Bayesian modelling of KC4 (Model age of the maxilla, in red) is earlier than the original direct date from Kent’s Cavern (OxA-1621) and all others, and overlaps the start of the age range of the earliest European Aurignacian, which is widely accepted as being linked with the earliest AMH. Ultrafiltered collagen radiocarbon dates are indicated with red text; non-ultrafiltered dates are in black. Asterisks denote duplicate dates on the same human bone. The Oase date is a mean of two determinations, one ultrafiltered and one not.

    The red distribution is the new model date for the maxilla, way earlier than any other specimen. The gray distribution indicated for Kent's Cavern is the 1989 date, with a calibration model applied to it.

    The archaeological association of the maxilla is very weak, as summarized by Higham and colleagues:

    The maxilla was found in 1927 at a depth of 10 ft 6 inch (3.23 m) beneath a key ‘granular stalagmite’ used as a datum during excavations undertaken between 1926 and 1941 by the Torquay Natural History Society. Below it were found two blades similar to those discovered in Aurignacian industries, and deeper still were found two blades that resemble those from Initial Upper Palaeolithic industries of the Lincombian–Ranisian–Jerzmanowician complex, which are tentatively associated with Neanderthals.

    Such as they are, these associations permit a much later date and do not preclude an earlier one. They are certainly not enough to speak of a date for "Early Aurignacian" on this basis, there is no diagnosis of the industry here.

    You can see why I found this so irritating. Here's a paper trying to make a big splash, by establishing the claim in the literature that we have Aurignacian-associated modern human remains earlier at Kent's Cavern than anywhere else in Europe. The reported date estimate is a clear outlier compared to human remains everywhere else. And although there is a radiocarbon estimate, that is ignored (possibly for good reason) in favor of a model that doesn't include it, because radiocarbon gave a date younger than the paper claims, by seven millennia or more.

    I'm not saying the authors could have done better with the material they had available. Sometimes we don't get definitive results, and that's expected in paleoanthropology. I just think it's bizarre that Nature would put such press behind a dating paper with no date.

    UPDATE (2011-11-07): A couple of people have contacted me, confused by the apparently very ancient dates for other Early Upper Paleolithic sites in the figure. The figure reports calibrated dates, not radiocarbon dates. I have noticed a trend over the last several years to reporting and picturing only calibrated dates instead of the actual radiocarbon determinations. I think this is a very negative development, because it creates confusion between the calibration model and the source of the data. We see how confusing that presentation can be in this paper, where a result that does not come from radiocarbon data is pictured alongside calibrated dates without any distinction between the two.


    References

    Synopsis: 
    A redating of a maxilla from Kent's Cavern, UK, has a surprising omission
  • Potato sack race

    Fri, 2011-10-28 14:30 -- John Hawks

    Smithsonian magazine has a very nice article by Charles C. Mann, "How the Potato Changed the World", focusing on the effects of the Columbian exchange on Europe.

    “For the first time in the history of western Europe, a definitive solution had been found to the food problem,” the Belgian historian Christian Vandenbroeke concluded in the 1970s. By the end of the 18th century, potatoes had become in much of Europe what they were in the Andes—a staple. Roughly 40 percent of the Irish ate no solid food other than potatoes; the figure was between 10 percent and 30 percent in the Netherlands, Belgium, Prussia and perhaps Poland. Routine famine almost disappeared in potato country, a 2,000-mile band that stretched from Ireland in the west to Russia’s Ural Mountains in the east. At long last, the continent could produce its own dinner.

    When I toured through the Altai this summer, I was impressed at the healthy potato patch outside nearly every house. How unlikely it seems that this American crop should have become a central part of people's lives in some of the most remote parts of Central Asia.

  • Blombos pigment workshop

    Fri, 2011-10-14 02:23 -- John Hawks

    I know that some readers are starting to wonder if I've forgotten about paleoanthropology lately. Let's just say that the Neandertal and Denisova genomes have me very busy, and I don't think you'd want it any other way.

    But on the paleoanthropological front, Science has released a paper by Chris Henshilwood and colleagues [1] describing two toolkits used by ancient MSA people more than 100,000 years ago to grind pigment and mix it with animal fat, presumably for painting.

    I want to share a picture from the article (credit G. Moéll Pedersen), which shows one of the two toolkits in situ. I want to make a point about it that would be difficult without seeing the photo:

    That photo shows Tk1, the first toolkit. Now, here's the description of what Henshilwood and colleagues were able to interpret from the artifacts in the photo:

    We infer that manufacturing proceeded as follows: Pieces of ochre (FS1 and FS2) were rubbed on quartzite slabs to produce a fine red powder, and some were knapped with large lithic flakes. The ochre chips resulting from the latter were crushed with quartz, quartzite, and silcrete hammerstones/grinders. Quartzite grinders were used to crush goethite or hematite-rich lutite. Medium-sized mammal bone was crushed, probably with a stone hammer. The red or reddish brown color and cracked, flaky texture of some of the trabecular bone suggest that it was heated before crushing, probably to enhance the extraction of the marrow fat. The hematite powder, charcoal, crushed trabecular bone, stone chips, and quartz grains and a liquid were then introduced into the Haliotis shells and gently stirred (figs. S5, S25, and S26). Charcoal is rare in the layer-CP matrix, suggesting that it was a deliberate addition to the mix. The quartz and quartzite chips, produced during the action of crushing the ochre, and the quartz grains may have been incidentally incorporated.

    You can see how the complex interpretation was made possible by finding these things in association as part of one feature. If one or two of these pieces had been found separately, many archaeologists would be skeptical of such a story. Indeed, even the interpretation of this toolkit might appear incredible were it not for the second toolkit also found at the site. Archaeologists are conservative that way, they don't like to overinterpret the evidence. Even this series of events -- grinding, heating, mixing, and so on -- isn't very complicated compared to many activities that humans do every day. It's an example where Henshilwood and colleagues have advanced what archaeologically can show beyond a shadow of doubt about ancient people, but still leaves a gap in our understanding of the ancient cultural system.

    A complex behavioral pattern that is actually found cannot have been an isolated instance. Complexity implies a tradition of which these toolkits are only miniscule remnants.

    In this light, I should point out that the Blombos evidence is by far earlier than other evidence of pigment grinding and heating, but not unique in the South African MSA. Last year I linked to a Jennifer Viegas story about red ochre production at Sibudu Cave, South Africa. This is Lyn Wadley's work [2], and the research paper has since been published in the Journal of Archaeological Science. Also in that journal last year was a paper by Francesco d'Errico and colleagues [3], which described pigment nodules found in the Middle Paleolithic in Mt. Carmel site of Skhul, Israel. We have quite a lot of circumstantial evidence about pigment use in these early contexts both inside and outside Africa, and more is building all the time.

    The archaeological record is bad in many ways. The wooden artifacts preserved at Abric Romani, Spain, are another example of an exceptional archaeological find. I've been meaning to write about them since Julien Riel-Salvatore mentioned them last month. Archaeologists have been working the Middle Paleolithic for nearly 150 years, yet we know next to nothing about wooden artifacts. Abric Romani is not entirely alone, but is enough to show the existence of a broader tradition occupying this blind spot, because the extensive shaping of artifacts and labor used to create them implies a cultural knowledge and utility.


    References

    Synopsis: 
    Complex toolkits from Blombos, South Africa, show pigment processing before 100,000 years ago.
  • Neolithic discontinuity in Hungary

    Thu, 2011-09-22 16:53 -- John Hawks

    Dienekes comments on a new paper finding another strange mixture of haplotypes in Neolithic-era sample of mtDNA from central Europe ("Unexpected ancient mtDNA from Neolithic Hungary").

    I don't think even a science fiction writer could have predicted the kinds of ancient DNA results we are getting from Europe. We have genetic discontinuity between Paleolithic and Neolithic, and between Neolithic and present, and, apparently, discontinuity between Neolithic cultures themselves, and wholly unexpected links to East Asia all the way to Central Europe.

    The paper is by Zsuzsanna Guba and colleagues [1]. The final phrase of the abstract:

    Our investigation is the first to study mutations form Neolithic of Hungary, resulting in an outcome of Far Eastern haplogroups in the Carpathian Basin. It is worth further investigation as a non-descendant theory, instead of a continuous population history, supporting genetic gaps between ancient and recent human populations.

    Past populations had incredible dynamism across Eurasia. Of course, as shown later, we need not maintain that the haplogroups presently common in East Asia have necessarily been there all that long.


    References

  • La Cotte de St. Brelade profiled

    Thu, 2011-09-01 23:11 -- John Hawks

    The BBC is running a nice article about the ongoing excavations on the island of Jersey at La Cotte de St. Brelade. "Neanderthal survival story revealed in Jersey caves".

    La Cotte's collapsed cave system contains intact ice age sediments spanning a quarter of a million years, revealing a detailed sequence of Neanderthal occupation and occasional abandonment, against a background of changing climate.

    "The site is the most exceptional long-term record of Neanderthal behaviour in North West Europe," says Dr Matt Pope from the Institute of Archaeology at University College London.

    It's a neat site and the Beeb are doing an episode of "Digging for Britain" about it this month.

  • Y chronology awry

    Wed, 2011-08-24 09:57 -- John Hawks

    Dienekes links to and discusses a current paper by George Busby and colleagues [1] on the Y chromosome chronology for the settlement of Europe: "Back to the drawing board for R-M269 (Busby et al. 2011)." The main idea is that microsatellite loci on the Y chromosome have made up the majority of our information about biogeography using this marker, but the rate of mutational changes of these loci has been badly misapplied:

    A bad clock is not useless: it gives you some information about time. Moreover, you can often use several to iron out the inaccuracy of any single one of them.

    Unfortunately, better estimation through averaging of bad estimators works only in one case: when the estimators are unbiased.

    The inclusion of some fast-mutating STR loci tends to make all estimates too young. The paper finds that this problem is general, affecting most commonly-used datasets.

    Our analysis confirms that this phenomenon is not specific to the R-M269 haplogroup nor to methods using ASD. Figure 4b shows that STRs with high D produce larger estimates of T. What is clear is that estimates of T implicitly depend on the STRs that are selected to make this inference. Using BATWING on an HGDP population for which 65 Y-STRs are available, we have shown that the median estimate of TMRCA can differ by over five times when STRs are selected on the basis of the expected duration of linearity (electronic supplementary material, figure S4). While researchers take into account STR mutation rates when estimating divergence time with ASD, commonly used STRs do not have the specific attributes that allow linearity to be assumed further into the past. The majority of haplogroup dates based on such sets of STRs may therefore have been systematically underestimated.

    One weakness of the study is that its reliance on geographic patterns of the haplotypes depends on the assumption that they have evolved neutrally relative to each other. Selection might radically affect this pattern.


    References

  • Agriculture, population expansion and mtDNA variation

    Mon, 2011-05-23 11:50 -- John Hawks

    Earlier this spring, I wrote about a paper by Brenna Henn and colleagues that presented new data on SNP variation in recent African hunter-gatherer populations [1] ("Population structure within Africa: has 'modern human origins' become a non sequitur?").

    Another paper that came out this spring from the same research group is also very interesting. Christopher Gignoux, Henn and Joanna Mountain [2] examined the evidence for Holocene population growth in Europe, Africa and Southeast Asia, from within-haplogroup variability of mtDNA haplogroups. The idea is that earlier samples were not finely resolved enough to examine events of the last few thousand years, either because they included only small sequences (e.g., control region) with limited variation, or because they included whole mtDNA genomes with too few individuals to look at within-haplogroup coalescents. So here they add more individuals. It is still a small number (425 total) and so I expect that we will see better ones in the next few years.

    The results are nonetheless useful because they provide some nice matches for the archaeology of early agriculture. For example, in Africa:

    We find two periods of population expansion within our sample of lineages originating during the Holocene in western Africa. Although the majority of coalescent events occur during the Holocene, a number of lineages from this sample also coalesce during the Upper Paleolithic. The earliest growth begins at ≈38,000 ya (CI: 33,500–45,000 ya) (Table 1 and Fig. S1) and the second period begins at ≈4,600 ya (CI: 3,000–10,000 ya) (Table 1 and Fig. 1B). The correspondence between the timing of genetic evidence for a sharp increase in population size at 4,600 ya in our Holocene sample of sub-Saharan Africans and the archaeological evidence for origins of agriculture in western Africa is quite close (Fig. 1B and Table 1). In contrast, our southern African Upper Paleolithic sample representative of hunter-gatherers shows no growth over the past 20,000 y. We suggest Bantu-speaking farmers and other pastoralist groups migrated throughout southern Africa 2,000 ya (27) without impacting southern African mtDNA lineages (Fig. 1B).

    We can't really understand the pattern of genetic variation within Africa without understanding when the population grew. In Africa, Middle Stone Age genetic variation must have been more extensive than that in other regions of the world. But the survival of that MSA variation to the present day depends on the demography of populations over the past 50,000 years. In a growing population, fewer lineages will be lost by random genetic drift. So if Gignoux, Henn and Mountain are right about the growth of West African populations by 35,000 years ago, we might expect that region to preserve some extensive variation from MSA times. That might explain why that population preserves very deep Y chromosome lineages [3]. Regarding only mtDNA, one might conclude that a historical paucity of migration between hunter-gatherer and agricultural groups would be the most important reason why MSA variation remains in the present-day African population. This has been the explanation for survival of deep mtDNA lineages in southern Africa, for example. The Y chromosome result and the current paper remind us that population growth can also preserve variation from earlier time periods.

    I think this proposal of African population history matches very well the model that we assumed in our acceleration paper [4], which we based on the archaeological record. We suggested early population growth in Africa by 35,000 years ago followed by an agricultural expansion after 5000 years ago. The evidence for relatively late agricultural intensification, within the last 4000-5000 years in sub-Saharan Africa, is very clear archaeologically. Less clear: How big was the earlier, pre-agricultural human population? The LSA might correspond to a demographic intensification, generally after 45,000 years ago. Genetics has certainly seemed to support such a view, and we found it consistent with the evidence that positive selection had increased in rate much earlier in Africa than in other regions. Still, the more detailed study by Gignoux and colleagues helps to clarify this picture.

    The results also show agricultural population growth to have been late in Southeast Asia.

    Direct archaeological evidence for rice agriculture in southeastern Asia dates to only ≈4,400 ya in Thailand (28). Agriculture spread throughout Island Southeast Asia, with evidence of rice in Taiwan again dating to ≈4,400 ya. Our Southeastern Asian Holocene population size curve indicates expansion beginning ≈4,700 ya (CI: 3,000–5,700 ya) (Fig. 1C and Table 1).

    Again, useful. I think we need to exert some effort making sure that the initial dispersal of people into South/Southeast Asia can be differentiated from the post-agricultural history. But assuming that Gignoux and colleagues are correct, it makes sense in an overall picture of slowly adapting early crops to tropical climate regimes, or replacing early domesticates with different ones in those areas.

    I am less sanguine about their results for Europe. They show a gradual period of growth associated in time with the Younger Dryas (around 12,000 years ago), which could make sense in the archaeology. But I am not convinced that the "European" haplogroups here are really European to that time depth. We know that the Neolithic and post-Neolithic saw some large-scale shifts in the frequencies of mtDNA haplogroups in Central and Western Europe. Some Upper Paleolithic Europeans probably contributed mtDNA to this later population, but I have no confidence that the proportion was great enough to accurately infer the demography of that pre-Neolithic population. (This is also a problem with the current paper in Current Anthropology by Peter Rowley-Conwy. I'll discuss this sometime soon.)

    The next frontier in reconstructing the population history of Europe will be ancient DNA. A good sample of Neolithic and pre-Neolithic whole mtDNA genomes would settle this question and allow inferences about the kind of demographic recovery Europe underwent after the Last Glacial Maximum.

    An open question is to what extent the other populations have similar problems. The European population of today reflects West Asian population dynamics 10,000 years ago. The East African population today reflects West African population dynamics from before the Bantu expansion, possibly to a similar extent. The population of Southeast Asia reflects the population dynamics of early rice agriculturalists in South China. And so on.

    Adding large-scale migration and partial population replacement to this kind of demographic analysis is not easy, but it will be essential if we want a better picture of how agriculture affected human populations. Considering these problems, I think it's easy to see why I started working on Holocene population dynamics. Evidence about Late Pleistocene populations, like MSA Africans and Neandertals, still lies within our genomes. But we see it through a lens. Holocene population dynamics -- movements and population growth -- distort that lens. If we don't account for those Holocene dynamics, we will conclude wrongly about the earlier dynamics.

    I like this a lot, because this is what anthropology is really good for. We can bring a lot of archaeological and historical knowledge to bear on the question of post-agricultural population dynamics. But it's a deep, deep field with a lot of specialized literature.


    References

    Synopsis: 
    A study of mtDNA variation attempts to find the times and magnitudes of population expansions in early agriculturalists.
  • Neandertals of the North

    Fri, 2011-05-13 10:42 -- John Hawks

    Ludovic Slimak and colleagues [1] this week argue that Byzovaya, a site in the Russian far north, was produced by Neandertals.

    If true, this is very newsworthy. It would be the highest-latitude Neandertal site, one that would clearly have required an effective adaptation to continental cold. The reported dates would place Byzovaya among the latest Neandertal sites -- showing that these people persisted longest not only the extreme south of their range but also in the far north. Such a finding would pretty much overturn two decades of literature on how and why the Neandertals disappeared.

    I really don't see many reasons to doubt the results, except to note that the conclusions must be limited to the quality of the data. Most important, there are no skeletal remains, so we have to depend on the assumption that Mousterian assemblages in this late context were the product of Neandertals. So far that assumption is consistent with the record in Western Europe, but we should probably be cautious nonetheless.

    Here's the abstract, which summarizes the paper admirably:

    Palaeolithic sites in Russian high latitudes have been considered as Upper Palaeolithic and thus representing an Arctic expansion of modern humans. Here we show that at Byzovaya, in the western foothills of the Polar Urals, the technological structure of the lithic assemblage makes it directly comparable with Mousterian Middle Palaeolithic industries that so far have been exclusively attributed to the Neandertal populations in Europe. Radiocarbon and optical-stimulated luminescence dates on bones and sand grains indicate that the site was occupied during a short period around 28,500 carbon-14 years before the present (about 31,000 to 34,000 calendar years ago), at the time when only Upper Palaeolithic cultures occupied lower latitudes of Eurasia. Byzovaya may thus represent a late northern refuge for Neandertals, about 1000 km north of earlier known Mousterian sites.

    I've wrote briefly about Byzovaya in 2005, as part of a discussion of Mamontovaya Kurya, a site slightly north of there ("Who colonized the European Arctic?"). As you can guess from the title of that post, the question of Neandertal occupation of extreme northern Russia was already at play. I quoted Pavlov and colleagues at the time [2]:

    The stone-working technology reflected in the Byzovaya material is similar to that of Sungir and other early Upper Palaeolithic sites of the eastern Szeletien tradition, indicating that these artefacts were manufactured by modern humans. However, whether the person who inflicted the marks on the tusk from Mamontovaya Kurya, as much as 8,000-9,000 years earlier, belonged to the same human lineage as the residents at Byzovaya and other Palaeolithic sites further to the south is more uncertain (Pavlov et al. 2001:66-67, citations omitted).

    In that 2001 paper, Pavlov and colleagues accepted Szeletian as the product of early modern humans, but I pointed out that this association depended on unjustified assumptions about the technical relation of Sungir and Szeletian sites in Central Europe. Sungir is important because it has skeletal remains, which are not Neandertal. If other sites of equivalent age had similar archaeology, we would assume they were not made by Neandertals. How much does the archaeology at Byzovaya resemble Sungir?

    In the current paper, Slimak and colleagues emphasize the differences between the Byzovaya and Sungir assemblages. The work reflects renewed excavations at Byzovaya started in 2007, now totalling more than 300 artifacts, of which 80 are typologically identifiable, the rest cores or unmodified flakes:

    None of the 313 artefacts reflects a tool production technology typical of UP cultures. Furthermore, diagnostic tools that are common in any UP industry of Eurasia such as burins, backed tools, pointed blades, or bladelets are not represented. There are 11 end-scrapers, but none of these were prepared from UP blades. Varieties of end-scrapers, prepared from flakes, are common elements in any European MP industry, known since the first Mousterian typological analysis (16). Typological tools are mainly members of the Mousterian group (16), dominated by distinctive side-scrapers made out of flakes (fig. S5, nos. 1 and 2) that are typical for MP industries (17) (fig. S6 and table S4). Six of these tools have been retouched to form a bifacial tool. Most of the bifacial tools are thick, with a plano-convex section: one face shaped by large flakes and the opposite face formed by a semi-abrupt retouch. This way of shaping has been used for producing so-called Keilmesser tools (plano-convex and backed bifacial tools, Fig. 3, no. 1), which are considered to be specific artefacts of some archetypical MP industries of Central and Eastern Europe (18–20). Two of the bifacial tools from Byzovaya present a thin regular transformation of their faces that illustrates the technological similarities between this industry and the Eastern European MP (18, 19), where the so-called Blattspitzen (short foliate) tools occur frequently.

    The apparent use of a Keilmesser-like approach is interesting, this is otherwise known from late Micoquian contexts in Germany and other parts of central Europe. It does seem to hang together as a technical package, involving a distinctive pattern of retouch on bifaces by flake removal from flat surfaces. The authors argue that the technology at Byzovaya is "technically homogeneous" with diagnostic features of central and eastern European Middle Paleolithic; this is supported by their data but it is worth noting that only 5 of the tools show these links -- the larger signature is the lack of anything that could belong only to an Upper Paleolithic context. The authors deal in a paragraph with the alternative hypotheses that raw material or the indended use (expedient butchery) may have limited the toolkit, concluding not. So it's Mousterian, likely similar to the kind found in Eastern Europe but quite a bit later in time.

    (as an aside, I will point out that I have written quite a bit about the early Upper Paleolithic of the Russian Plain, many of the sites are discussed in this paper. For example, my post on Kostenki: "The initial Upper Paleolithic at Kostenki", which links to others.)

    The news aspect of the story -- the reason it's in Science -- is the date. Several radiocarbon dates on fauna, including cutmarked bone and ivory, cluster around 28,500 years BP, which calibrates to between 31,300 and 34,500 years ago. This range of dates is also confirmed by OSL on sand grains. If Neandertals made this site (and if we admit some doubt about later dates for Mousterian sites in Spain) Byzovaya could have been made by the latest Neandertals anywhere in the world.

    A site near the Arctic Circle is totally the opposite of where we've been finding other late Mousterian occupations. Up to now, the latest Neandertals apparently had lived in Iberia, sites not quite as late are found in France, Italy, Croatia, and the Caucasus. Those places are all in the southern tier of Europe, leading many archaeologists to conclude that the Neandertals couldn't cope with the deteriorating climate of the Heinrich IV event. With better-tailored clothing and a more complex logistical strategy, Upper Paleolithic people seemed to have had a better cultural strategy to handle the truly cold steppes of periglacial Europe. Neandertals were increasingly limited to areas with the mixed patches of forest that they favored, an ecology that was shrinking after 45,000 years ago.

    Toss that hypothesis out the window. And close it, it's cold out there!

    Oh, well I guess I don't really think this paper alone disposes so neatly of the lingering Neandertal sauna hypothesis. But it should inspire us to think of an alternative. I like that, no neat tidy package.

    But this paper has a glaring problem, as I see it: Somebody was at Mamontovaya Kurya, more than 100 km north of Byzovaya, more than 5,000 years earlier. But the paper doesn't discuss Mamontovaya Kurya at all! The paper discusses earlier sites far to the south, but not the one that's closest. If there is a Neandertal persistence in the Russian Arctic, surely these two nearby sites must both represent that population. Are the toolkits similar? Are these the same people? Why is there no discussion of it? Do Science papers no longer have to cite Nature papers? Isn't this the obvious comparison?

    Frustrating it is.

    Pavlov and colleagues wrote that the Mamontovaya Kurya and Byzovaya assemblages were quite different. But at that time (2001), they also wrote that Byzovaya was similar to Sungir. Here, Sungir and Byzovaya are depicted as very different. There are only 313 artifacts here. This is my frustration with archaeologists: too much depends on a typological assessment, the details of which are underreported in many publications.

    How sure can we be that the apparent technical connections with Eastern and Central European Micoquian are real, sustained cultural traditions? In light of the rapid cultural shifts further to the south, probably we should doubt such a persistence or at least provide some mechanism for it.

    What does this signify about the radiocarbon story?

    Of course, my other frustration of late has been the problems of radiocarbon chronology. Just this week, I wrote about a paper that questioned the persistence of Neandertals after 40,000 years ago anywhere in Europe. Now, here's a paper that posits Neandertals in an entirely unexpected part of Europe less than 35,000 years ago. What gives?

    As I noted on Tuesday, one of the sticking points is that some archaeologists insist on dating human bone because of the doubt that always accompanies mere associations by level. Only a few sites have Neandertal or non-Neandertal skeletal material, but many, many sites have been dated and have archaeology that is typologically diagnostic -- Mousterian, Châtelperronian, Aurignacian or whatever. Many archaeologists are happy to assume that a Mousterian site was made by Neandertals, an Aurignacian site by modern humans. Transitional (Châtelperronian, Uluzzian, Szeletian) sites have always raised more objections, as does early Aurignacian for many because of the lack of skeletal associations.

    From the current paper, you can see the assumption and its effects:

    Most researchers agree that classical Mousterian industries in Europe were exclusively produced by Neandertals (30, 31). However, whether Byzovaya represents a Neandertal site or not cannot be demonstrated beyond doubt until human bones or DNA are found. If the Byzovaya artefacts were struck by modern humans, this would have major implications for understanding the MP-UP transition, as it would imply that these Arctic H. sapiens groups preserved older, traditional MP cultures far after the full expansion of UP modern societies in the rest of Eurasia.

    Oh, yes. That would be interesting, wouldn't it? I don't want to reduce the dichotomy but to multiply it. There weren't only two populations, a single group of Neandertals and a single group of early Upper Paleolithic non-Neandertals -- there were many successive populations of both. The Russian Plain was probably covered by different modern human populations at different times, possibly none of whom were very closely related to today's Europeans.

    If the population history of Europe during the Middle-Upper Paleolithic transition is demographically complex, I think we should be more skeptical about the association of stone assemblages. We should probably insist even more strongly on dates from human skeletal material. But we should be less certain of the affinities of the skeletal materials themselves -- which are rarely complete. As we know from Les Rois, a few Neandertal traits will not allow a satisfactory diagnosis of partial remains.

    At the moment, the dispute about radiocarbon dates of Neandertals is quite simple. It is not about Neandertals, really; it's about the quality of evidence associating Neandertals with dates, which must (at present) go through the two indirect steps: Associating fragments with populations, and associating populations with tool assemblages. Some researchers leap through these two steps, others take them more cautiously, a few won't take them at all. And that's not going to change soon.


    References

    Synopsis: 
    A late Mousterian site near the Arctic circle suggests that Neandertals may have persisted in the far North. But the story may have some holes.

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Neandertals

For years, I've worked on their bones. Now I'm working on their genes. Read more about the science studying these ancient people.

Denisova

From a finger bone of an ancient human came the record of a completely unexpected population. My lab is working on the science of the Denisova genome.

Acceleration

The advent of agriculture caused natural selection to speed up greatly in humans. We're uncovering some of the ways that populations have rapidly changed during the last 10,000 years.

Malapa

Just outside Johannesburg, the Malapa site is producing some of the most exciting finds in human evolution. This site is the headquarters of the Malapa Soft Tissue Project.