john hawks weblog

paleoanthropology, genetics and evolution

mind

  • Mailbag: Thrifty brains

    Thu, 2012-01-19 11:30 -- John Hawks

    Re: The thrifty brainotype.

    I have a question about your article "The thrifty brainotype" found
    at: http://johnhawks.net/weblog/topics/minds/philosophy/clark-2011-thrifty-b...

    Instead of having the whole brain evolve as a single type (information
    processing efficiency vs energy efficiency) why have only parts of the
    brain be one way or the other? Given our brain has evolved from much
    earlier brains, why couldn't a distant ancestor evolve a very energy
    efficient brain, a later ancestor evolve a visual processing portion
    that's extremely information processing efficient and then as we come
    into being take these pieces and keep some pieces and discard others?

    Is there any reason why the issue is being discussed as a single whole
    brain archetype, and not as a piecemeal "some of this and some of
    that" type?

    Thanks so much for this question. I agree entirely, on a functional and evolutionary level of analysis, there is no reason why different cognitive systems should be constrained in the same way. I take Clark's model as a heuristic of how "brain" might be organized along information processing lines, but I think the heuristic fails at the level of a whole organism.

    In contrast, the "expensive brain" heuristic really does apply at the organismal level because brain tissue uses energy, and the brain mass is a useful (if imprecise) way of considering energy consumption.

    I don't think we can break up the brain into functional modules uncritically, but there are only certain ways in which it is useful to consider it as a whole.

  • The thrifty brainotype

    Wed, 2012-01-18 23:58 -- John Hawks

    Andy Clark, a philosopher of the mind, has entered a useful essay in the NY Times online commentary section: "Do thrifty brains make better minds?"

    "Thrifty" in the headline refers to efficiency of information processing. That's a departure from the standard anthropological version of the story, in which "expensive brains" are optimized for energy efficiency. These ideas are not mutually exclusive: a strategy toward bit-saving might well reduce the neural overhead, so to speak. But a brain that follows a strategy of greatest information efficiency might in some respects be more energetically expensive. More important, an evolutionary process that results in a brain with high information efficiency might follow a very different pathway than a process that would give rise to high energy efficiency.

    Clark considers the philosophical implications of this "thrifty" model of neural processing, particularly as applied to the relative roles of perception and cognition:

    All this, if true, has much more than merely engineering significance. For it suggests that perception may best be seen as what has sometimes been described as a process of “controlled hallucination” (Ramesh Jain) in which we (or rather, various parts of our brains) try to predict what is out there, using the incoming signal more as a means of tuning and nuancing the predictions rather than as a rich (and bandwidth-costly) encoding of the state of the world. This in turn underlines the surprising extent to which the structure of our expectations (both conscious and non-conscious) may quite literally be determining much of what we see, hear and feel.

    Clark does not really touch on the evolutionary constraints that affected brain evolution. He discusses perception and cognition as related engineering problems for which efficient information encoding is the principal constraint. From this point of view, certain well-known perceptual illusions (he uses the "hollow-face illusion" as an example) make great sense.

    It may be more useful to rephrase the headline. Thrifty brains may not make better minds, but they do yield a certain kind of mind. There are some things about which it is better not to be fooled. In a world where the brain evolved under natural selection, we should expect some kinds of perception to be more subject to mental abbreviation and shorthand than others. Illusions give us not only insight into how our brains work, but also how they evolved.

    Meanwhile, human minds include much information that will not be found in other primates. This includes at least one modality of information (language) not found elsewhere in nature. It seems unlikely that our brains should have been optimized for processing this kind of information in the limited time available. The kinds of tricks visual perception uses to make visual processing more efficient may be analogous to "verbal illusions" in language processing, and maybe there is some evidence there about the pathway taken by language evolution. For a new perceptual modality to come into our population de novo, bootstrapping itself in every growing child, I expect that many steps along that pathway were determined by limitations and constraints.

    What we perceive today as elegant, natural selection created as simply as gravity creates a river. The water will flow downhill, every other parameter is free.

    Synopsis: 
    Were brains constrained by information efficiency, or energy efficiency?
  • Adapting evolutionary psychology

    Fri, 2011-07-22 14:22 -- John Hawks

    I've been reading the new paper, "Darwin in Mind: New Opportunities for Evolutionary Psychology", in PLoS Biology. The paper, by Johan Bolhuis and colleagues [1], is an extended attack on the methods of analysis that have been most forcefully advanced by John Tooby and Leda Cosmides (mentioned by name) and David Buss (mentioned only by his institution, UT-Austin).

    Bolhuis and colleagues focus on four assumptions that underlie some of the hypotheses promoted by researchers like Buss, Tooby and Cosmides:

    1. Humans were once well adapted to their environment (the "environment of evolutionary adaptedness"), but recent changes to human existence have created a mismatch of some human traits with the current environment.

    2. Human cognitive traits evolve slowly and gradually, so that they cannot be well adapted to recent environmental changes.

    3. Human cognition occurs as an outcome of many specialized "modules" in the brain, not a few coordinated and flexible learning mechanisms.

    4. Humans have the same cognitive processes whoever they are and wherever they live -- in other words, mental adaptations are universal in humans.

    Knowing all of these researchers, I don't think they would agree with all of this characterization. Some aspects are uncontroversial: Many humans display behaviors that appear poorly suited to current environments but may plausibly have been an advantage in past environments. Others are more reasonable than Bolhuis and colleagues present -- for example I know that evolutionary psychologists usually express the "gradualism" assumption in a limited way, assuming that some cognitive adaptations are complex and therefore not likely to have arisen quickly as a result of a simple change in gene frequencies. Likewise, they do not assume that all human psychological traits are universal, but instead that those traits that appear universal are likely to have arisen in ancient environments shared by the ancestors of all humans. In short, I think the paper fails to accurately present the arguments put forward by mainstream evolutionary psychologists.

    I've written on evolutionary psychology at some length, often in a very critical way (for a good example, check out this post about David Buller's critical work and evolutionary psychologists' lame response). But the idea of niche construction irritates me a lot more than evolutionary psychology ever does.

    So I'll take a critical view of the four suggestions put forward by Bolhuis and colleagues as ways to move evolutionary psychology forward:

    i) A modern EP would evaluate the evolution of a character by constructing and testing population genetic models, estimating and measuring responses to selection, exploring the covariation of phenotypic traits or genetic variation with putative selective agents, making comparisons across species and seeking correlates to selected traits in the selective environment, and so forth, as do contemporary evolutionary biologists. In addition to these established tools, researchers can also exploit modern comparative statistical methods applied to cultural and behavioural variation [85] and gene-culture coevolutionary theory [22],[58],[83],[86] to reconstruct human evolutionary histories. The function of reliable aspects of human cognition, and of consistent behavioural patterns, can be explored utilizing the same methods. An important point here is that researchers are not restricted to considerations of the current function of evolved traits, and well-established methods are available to reconstruct the evolutionary history of human cognition.

    Uh...this is a fancy-sounding paragraph with no concrete suggestion. The response to selection, for example, is determined from heritability and differential reproduction in a particular environment. The paragraph specifically mentions that current functions of traits may be irrelevant to their past evolution. Hence, as evolutionary psychologists have argued, today's observed differential reproduction and heritability are of limited relevance to the evolution of a trait. Aside from mentioning technical-sounding jargon, this paragraph is simply suggesting that evolutionary psychologists should do scenario-building based on the assumption of past environments of adaptedness. The only novel suggestion (the "gene-culture coevolutionary theory" idea) is that different populations may have different evolved cognitive adaptations. I don't think many evolutionary psychologists would disagree.

    ii) With regard to functional questions, while EP has stressed the idea that human beings are adapted to past worlds [87], a niche-construction perspective argues that human beings are predicted to build environments to suit their adaptations, and to construct solutions to self-imposed challenges, aided and abetted by the extraordinary level of adaptive plasticity afforded by our capacities for learning and culture [88]. While adaptiveness is far from guaranteed, from this theoretical perspective humans are expected to experience far less adaptive lag than anticipated by EP [88]. If correct, examining the relationship between evolved psychological mechanisms and reproductive success in modern environments will not necessarily be an unproductive task.

    This is an easy empirical question, it seems to me. The "niche-construction perspective" appears to predict that post-agricultural sedentary humans (living in cities and villages, building and living in structures, working long hours, using a monetary economy, and having vastly higher birthrates) have found ways to replicate a hunter-gatherer lifestyle so that their cognitive adaptations will remain well-adjusted to their current environments. Bolhuis and colleagues point out the rapid rate of Holocene population growth as evidence that we may be comparatively well adapted to these changes.

    I disagree. Population growth is merely evidence that our cognitive adaptations have not impeded reproduction. Selection involves differential fertility or mortality, and may be just as strong in a growing population as in a stationary one. I think it is self-evident that some important aspects of the cognitive environment of post-agricultural people are unparalleled in hunter-gatherer societies. I think it is possible that selection has influenced the responses of some people to these environments, and I am very skeptical of the idea of "cognitive universals" in living people. But I don't think that culture promotes a static, hunter-gatherer-like cognitive niche, or that people have constructed their cultural environments to promote stasis.

    The third and fourth points raised by Bolhuis and colleagues are ones with which I basically agree. They note that evolutionary psychologists should do more to investigate the actual neural mechanisms underlying behavior, and that studying development may provide a way to test the evolutionary basis of such mechanisms. These suggestions are non-specific but quite true: To my knowledge, no evolutionary psychologists have ever shown a specific neural mechanism underlying their claims about cognitive "modules". Instead, they argue by analogy to better-understood cognitive and perceptual systems such as face recognition or visual processing. One of the main reasons why I and other people find evolutionary psychology explanations unconvincing -- one that goes back to Gould and Lewontin -- is that they fail to engage at the mechanistic level. If these are truly adaptations, then how are they instantiated.

    So, at the end, what do I think? To be honest, I really don't understand the point of an article like this. Bolhuis and colleagues make some good points, but they fail to produce even a single example of a cognitive or psychological trait in humans that can be fruitfully explained using their approach. Indeed, they do not even bother to present a method of hypothesis testing that could satisfy their criticisms.


    References

    Synopsis: 
    Bolhuis and colleagues (2011) suggest several "improvements" for evolutionary psychology. I demur.
  • Mental mismatches

    Thu, 2010-09-23 08:30 -- John Hawks

    A Primate of Modern Aspect ("The sexuality wars, featuring apes") writes about some of the reactions to the new book, Sex at Dawn: The Prehistoric Origins of Modern Sexuality. As the subtitle suggests, the book is an account of human sexuality from the viewpoint of evolutionary psychology, written by Christopher Ryan and Cacilda Jethá. Ryan blogs at Sex at Dawn, I'm a frequent reader.

    Anyway, I loved this point about comparative studies:

    [F]or some reason, the only time primate sexuality gets any attention is when we turn it into a debate about how humans should be having sex.

    We never say, “Hey, those muriquis are too promiscuous. Don’t they know that all of their close evolutionary cousins are polygynous? If they just did what came naturally to them, they’d have a lot less psychological stress.” Or, “Those gibbons are so sexually repressed. If they just gave in to their natural predilection for promiscuity, I bet those nasty gibbons would have fewer territorial disputes and gibbon society would be much more peaceful.”

    Why worry about the "echoes" of psychic distress that may linger after the mating system changes? That's a very interesting point; there are unexplored assumptions here about the nature of adaptation and the structure of genetic causation of mental states. Clearly if major aspects of human social life change, we cannot expect people's minds to be perfectly optimized to the new regime. But what is the force of selection? What are the mental "rough spots" that differential fertility will ultimately iron out? How much "mismatch" between mental and social adaptations can persist?

    Primates may not be the best non-human model for such questions. Some domesticates have undergone social changes as great as humans, with strong selection against individuals who buck their human masters. But for many wild primates we may reasonably wonder, to what extent are social dynamics constrained by mental adaptations, and how quickly can mental lives shift under selection to fit a new social system?

  • Evo-devo-robo

    Tue, 2010-07-06 08:30 -- John Hawks

    The May issue of Discover has a transcript of a roundtable between the editor in chief, Corey Powell, and four researchers in robotics. It's an interesting conversation. I found the following quote from Rodney Brooks (founder of iRobot) illuminating:

    Rodney, you've talked about four goals that robot researchers should be aiming for. What are they?

    Brooks: First, the object-recognition capabilities of a 2-year-old child. You can show a 2-year-old a chair that he's never seen before, and he'll be able to say, "That's a chair." Our computer vision systems are not that good. But if our robots did have that capability, we'd be able to do a whole lot more.

    Second, the language capabilities of a 4-year-old child. When you talk to a 4-year-old, you hardly have to dumb down your grammar at all. That is much better than our current speech systems can do.

    Third, the manual dexterity of a 6-year-old child. A 6-year-old can tie his shoelaces. A 6-year-old can do every operation that a Chinese worker does in a factory. That level of dexterity, which would require a combination of new sorts of sensors, new sorts of actuators, and new algorithms, will let our robots do a whole lot more in the world.

    Fourth, the social understanding of an 8- or 9-year-old child. Eight- or 9-year-olds understand the difference between their knowledge of the world and the knowledge of someone they are interacting with. When showing a robot how to do a task, they know to look at where the eyes of the robot are looking. They also know how to take social cues from the robot.

    If we make progress in any of those four directions our robots will get a lot better than they are now.

    That's a clever marketing ploy, I think. It makes things sound a lot simpler to break down the problems into easy (2-year-old) and harder (9-year-old).

    But wait a minute. What's he's actually saying is, we need robots that work like 9-year-old children!

    After all, a 9-year-old comes with the 2-year-old object recognition and the rest already built in.

    It's not like the problems solved by younger children are any easier. The fact that children learn object recognition before mastering grammar doesn't mean that object recognition is simpler to manage. It may mean that grammatical ability evolved in primates that already could recognize objects. It certainly means that the brain develops in ways that entail learning to recognize objects first -- not at all irrational considering the requirements of 2-year-old life. Two-year-olds aren't going to be teaching much, they don't need the 9-year-old social awareness. But they do need to recognize objects.

    Is the ontogenetic order of these behaviors in children necessary? Or is it an accident of evolution? The answer does impact our choice of strategies for replicating these behaviors in silico. I expect that you do have to recognize objects to be able to understand someone else's recognition of objects. But do you have to understand language in order to have human social understanding? Some scholars would say yes, others would say these are separate "mental modules" that in principle could occur independently.

    Maybe the engineering problem will help us clarify the evolutionary one. It turns out that there was a school of thought devoted to the idea, "Evolutionary developmental robotics."

  • The "blooming, buzzing confusion" of William James

    Fri, 2010-04-30 13:24 -- John Hawks

    I ran across a heavily used quote by William James -- the "blooming, buzzing confusion," which he describes as a baby's first experience of the world.

    A quick Google check seemed to show that nobody ever gives any of the context around the quote. Heck, about one time in three, they don't even get the three word excerpt right. So, I went to James' Principles of Psychology (1890) to see what might be useful to know.

    The passage in question comes in the middle of James' chapter titled, "Discrimination and comparison." James began the chapter with a massive direct quote from John Locke, and used it to dive into a discussion of how a mind can make parts out of the wholeness of the world. The problem of how to break of the world was a serious drawback to the ideas of those thinkers like Hume and Locke, who supposed that the mind operated by recording associations between concepts and perceptions:

    The truth is that Experience is trained by both association and dissociation, and that psychology must be writ both in synthetic and in analytic terms. Our original sensible totals are, on the one hand, subdivided by discriminative attention, and, on the other, united with other totals, -- either through the agency of our own movements, carrying our senses from one part of space to another, or because new objects come successively and replace those by which we were at first impressed. The 'simple impression' of Hume, the 'simple idea' of Locke are both abstractions, never realized in experience (487, emphases in original).

    This is a recurring idea in psychology, and of course later became one of the thrusts of Chomsky's critique of behaviorism. How can these discriminations be made? -- particularly, given the "poverty" of information about how to make them? That is the problem James takes up. Continuing:

    Experience, from the very first, presents us with concretized objects, vaguely continuous with the rest of the world which envelops them in space and time, and potentially divisible into inward elements and parts. These objects we break asunder and reunite. We must treat them in both ways for our knowledge of them to grow; and it is hard to say, on the whole, which way preponderates. But since the elements with which the traditional associationism performs its constructions -- 'simple sensations,' namely -- are all products of discrimination carried to a high pitch, it seems as if we ought to discuss the subject of analytic attention and discrimination first (ibid).

    I rather like that point -- that what we think of as "simple sensations" actually involve "discrimination carried to a high pitch." It reminds me of information-theoretic analyses of the processing potential of the retina and optic nerve, which take gigabits of information per second and discard most of it so that the signal can squeeze through a rather narrow bandwidth to the brain. That's "discrimination carried to a high pitch" indeed, totally upstream of the brain's access to the resulting signal.

    James' disadvantage, from the perspective of today, is that he framed the problem as one essentially of making out the parts of real objects. How can the mind make out parts that really are there composing things in the world? This frame had a long pedigree -- back to Plato's forms -- but depends on assumptions about the nature of things and concepts that most of us probably wouldn't want to be stuck defending.

    The noticing of any part whatever of our objects is an act of discrimination.

    You see, it's a very rigid idea of what objects are game for us to notice, and how we come to be aware of them. He is led, through considering things like the effect of chloroform on sensation and perception, to a "law" about the operation of concepts of part and whole in the mind:

    [A]ny number of impressions, from any number of sensory sources, falling simultaneously on a mind which has not yet experienced them separately, will fuse into a single undivided object for that mind. The law is that all things fuse that can fuse, and nothing separates except what must. What makes impressions separate we have to study in this chapter. Although they separate easier if they come in through distinct nerves, yet distinct nerves are not an unconditional ground of their discrimination, as we shall presently see. The baby, assailed by eyes, ears, nose, skin, and entrails at once, feels it all as one great blooming, buzzing confusion; and to the very end of life, our location of all things in one space is due to the fact that the original extents or bignesses of all the sensations which came to our notice at once, coalesced together into one and the same space. There is no other reason than this why "the hand I touch and see coincides spatially with the hand I immediately feel" (488, emphases in original).

    So there you see -- the "blooming, buzzing" quote is there putting a pretty bow on what, by itself, seems to be a nonsensical "law". No wonder nobody ever bothers to give its context!

    I think James has attended very carefully to the prosody of this passage -- it has the rhythm of blank verse. Consider:

    Although they separate easier if
    they come in through distinct nerves, yet distinct
    nerves are not an unconditional ground
    of their discrimination, as we shall
    presently see. The baby, assailèd
    by eyes, ears, nose, skin, and entrails at once,
    feels it all as one great blooming, buzzing
    confusion; and to the very end of life,
    our location of all things in one space
    is due to the fact that the original
    extents or bignesses of all the
    sensations which came to our notice at once
    coalescèd together into one
    and the same space.

    Very interesting. As I read through it, it reminded me of The Tempest. The main problem is that line with "sensations", which really is metered like two blank verse lines run together, but with no good way to divide them. I, for one, find it amusing to think of William James adding the voiced "-ed" to his prose!

    After this beginning, James built up a theory of the discrimination of parts of objects from sensation. He addresses at several points the theories of the spiritualists, who had held that a non-material element of being must explain many if not all aspects of mind. I don't want to expand this little post into a full consideration of James' theory -- which really should be carried out together with subsequent literature on the topic. But there is an interesting passage in which he explains how, by contrasting present experience with discriminations previously made, the mind might build a picture that seems more than the sum of simple experiences:

    As our brains and minds are actually made, it is impossible to get certain [sensed experiences] m's and n's in immediate sequence and keep them pure. If kept pure, it would mean that they remained uncompared. With us, inevitably, by a mechanism which we as yet fail to understand, the shock of difference is felt between them, and the second object is not n pure, but n-as-different-from-m. It is no more a paradox that under these conditions this cognition of m and n in mutual relation should occur, than that under other conditions the cognition of m's or n's simple quality should occur. But as it has been treated as a paradox, and as a spiritual agent, not itself a portion of the stream, has been invoked to account for it, a word of further remark seems desirable.

    ...

    The sensationalists and the spiritualists meanwhile (filled both of them with their notion that the mind must in some fashion contain what it knows) begin by giving a crooked account of the facts. Both admit that for m and n to be known in any way whatever, little rounded and finished off duplicates of each must be contained in the mind as separate entities. These pure ideas, so called, of m and n respectively, succeed each other there. And since they are distinct, say the sensationalists, they are eo ipso distinguished. "To have ideas different and ideas distinguished, are synonymous expressions; different and distinguished meaning exactly the same thing," says James Mill. "Distinguished!" say the spiritualists, "distinguished by what, forsooth? Truly the respective ideas of m and n in the mind are distinct. But for that very reason neither can distinguish itself from the other, for to do that it would have to be aware of the other, and thus for the time being become the other, and that would be to get mixed up with the other and lose its own distinctness. Distinctness of ideas and idea of distinctness, are not one thing, but two. This last is a relation. Only a relating principle, opposed in nature to all facts of feeling, an Ego, Soul, or Subject, is competent, by being present to both of the ideas alike, to hold them together and at the same time to keep them distinct" (499-500).

    Thus, James described two opposing positions about the nature of discrimination. Then he shows that, in his account of events, why the conception of a binary comparator (for the spiritualists, a Subject) is multiplying entities beyond necessity:

    But if the plain facts be admitted that the pure idea of 'n' is never in the mind at all, when 'm' has once gone before; and that the feeling 'n-different-from-m' is itself an absolutely unique pulse of thought, the bottom of this precious quarrel drops out and neitehr party is left with anything to fight about. Surely such a consummation ought to be welcomed, especially when brought about, as here, by a formulation of the facts which offers itself so naturally and unsophistically (500, emphasis in original).

    There is much more, of course. I wanted to quote that later passage to contrast it directly with the "blooming, buzzing confusion" quote that lies a dozen pages before it.

    James appears to adopt the position that a plenitude of temporal data is available to the unschooled mind, from which it may rapidly build up a rather complex set of contrasts to distinguish objects and experiences. The metaphor of an infant subjected to a "buzzing confusion" seems to deliberately omit the very large temporal contrasts that present themselves to the infant's senses.

    Likewise, we probably don't need to know much about visual processing to imagine that the great contrasts naturally presented within the "blooming confusion" of the visual field might likewise lead to natural comparison and distinction.

    In a world giving our senses gigabits per second, we will necessarily have a hard time showing a "poverty" of data from which the mind might make useful distinctions. The "blooming, buzzing confusion" is a pretty metaphor, but is easily refuted as a serious model of experience.

  • "Accept failure": A New Year's resolution?

    Thu, 2009-12-31 07:30 -- John Hawks

    Jonah Lehrer reports on what happens when scientists see the unexpected:

    According to Dunbar, even after scientists had generated their “error” multiple times — it was a consistent inconsistency — they might fail to follow it up. “Given the amount of unexpected data in science, it’s just not feasible to pursue everything,” Dunbar says. “People have to pick and choose what’s interesting and what’s not, but they often choose badly.” And so the result was tossed aside, filed in a quickly forgotten notebook. The scientists had discovered a new fact, but they called it a failure.

    The description of Kevin Dunbar's work is interesting -- he's a "cognitive scientist" but the work is almost anthropology in the context of scientific labs.

    When Dunbar reviewed the transcripts of the meeting, he found that the intellectual mix generated a distinct type of interaction in which the scientists were forced to rely on metaphors and analogies to express themselves. (That’s because, unlike the E. coli group, the second lab lacked a specialized language that everyone could understand.) These abstractions proved essential for problem-solving, as they encouraged the scientists to reconsider their assumptions. Having to explain the problem to someone else forced them to think, if only for a moment, like an intellectual on the margins, filled with self-skepticism.

    As described in the story, the process of science is like a big noise filter, where theoretically unexpected results are systematically eliminated. I will note the positive aspect: when we find an unexpected result repeatedly, our confidence that it is signal and not noise is vastly higher. So all these attempts to squelch the unexpected create a mental environment in which we can sometimes recognize it.

    Sometimes. But as Lehrer describes, humans are good at conforming their mental world to the expected. Strangest line: "the Aristotelian video with the aberrant balls."

  • Levi-Strauss, RIP

    Tue, 2009-11-03 16:51 -- John Hawks

    Claude Lévi-Strauss has died, and the obituary tells me this:

    France reacted emotionally to Levi-Strauss' weekend death, with French President Nicolas Sarkozy joining government officials, politicians and ordinary citizens populating blogs with heartfelt tributes.

    Times certainly have changed, if "populating blogs" is how people deal with loss. For all you grief-stricken readers out there, take heart!

    UPDATE (2009/11/04): Scott Atran's remembrance of Lévi-Strauss is well-worth reading. A short quote:

    “I imagine myself in the New World with Columbus for the first time,” he mused, “a symphony of sounds, of colors, of smells, of desires, and of hopes. Then I imagine myself on the moon with the astronauts, and all I see is gray, dust and barren rocks, and the earth I long for is far out of reach.”

  • Dog psych

    Wed, 2009-09-16 23:32 -- John Hawks

    Time magazine has a nice article by Carl Zimmer, which profiles anthropologist Brian Hare, who's been busy studying dogs:

    Hare suspects that the evolutionary pressures that turned suspicious wolves into outgoing dogs were similar to the ones that turned combative apes into cooperative humans. "Humans are unique. But how did that uniqueness evolve?" asks Hare. "That's where dogs are important."

    One complaint: I don't see how Time expects anybody to read their articles online, when they are followed with gratuitous (and at best, marginally related) "CLICK HERE" ads. This one is a howler:

    Henry, as Kivell affectionately admits, may not be "the sharpest knife in the drawer," but compared to other animals, he's a true scholar. See TIME's photoessay "Color My Dog!"

    Lots of interesting stuff, though, if you're into dogs -- maybe you can sign up to become one of "thousands" of research volunteers...

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Neandertals

For years, I've worked on their bones. Now I'm working on their genes. Read more about the science studying these ancient people.

Denisova

From a finger bone of an ancient human came the record of a completely unexpected population. My lab is working on the science of the Denisova genome.

Acceleration

The advent of agriculture caused natural selection to speed up greatly in humans. We're uncovering some of the ways that populations have rapidly changed during the last 10,000 years.

Malapa

Just outside Johannesburg, the Malapa site is producing some of the most exciting finds in human evolution. This site is the headquarters of the Malapa Soft Tissue Project.