john hawks weblog

paleoanthropology, genetics and evolution

race

  • Understanding population differentiation

    Mon, 2011-11-28 00:48 -- John Hawks
    Synopsis: 
    Devising a story problem to illustrate Fst as a measure of population differentiation

    This lab has a take-home assignment, which is worth three points when you turn it in at next week's lab section.

    The genetic differentiation among populations is very important to understanding human diversity and its historical origins. The basic measurement of population differentiation is FST. You will be designing and providing the solution to a problem involving FST.

    1. Use the "Measuring population subdivision" exercise as an example to follow.
    2. You can also refer to the "Measuring differences between populations" text.
    3. Design a story problem with three populations.
    4. Your problem should involve a single gene locus, with two alleles. Each of the three populations should have a frequency for each allele (remember, the two will add to 100%).
    5. Show how FST should be calculated in your problem, with your allele frequencies.
    6. Use 1-2 sentences to explain what aspect of population differentiation your problem helps to illustrate. For example, does it show an example with one extremely different population? With very similar populations?

    Bring your story problem back to lab next week.

    Study terms: 
  • Measuring population subdivision

    Sun, 2011-11-27 22:58 -- John Hawks
    Synopsis: 
    The statistical measurement of differentiation among populations is Fst

    The basic measure of genetic difference between two populations is the statistic, FST. In genetics, the term F generally stands for ``inbreeding'', which tends to reduce genetic variation in the population. Genetic variation can be measured by heterozygosity, and so F generally expresses a reduction in the heterozygosity in the population. FST is the reduction in heterozygosity in subpopulations compared to the total population of which they are part.

    To estimate FST, take the following steps:

    1. Find the allele frequencies for each subpopulation.
    2. Find the average allele frequencies for the total population.
    3. Calculate the heterozygosity (2pq) for each subpopulation.
    4. Calculate the average of these subpopulation heterozygosities. This is HS.
    5. Calculate the heterozygosity based on the total population allele frequencies. This is HT.
    6. Finally, calculate FST=(HT-HS)/HT.

    Don't forget that the HS term is the average across all subpopulations.

    Example: The gene SLC24A5 is a key part of the melanin expression pathway, which contributes to skin and hair pigmentation. A SNP that is strongly associated with lighter skin pigment in Europe is rs1426654. The SNP has two alleles, A and G, with G being associated with light skin, at a frequency of 100% in Utah European-Americans. The SNP varies in frequency in populations in the Americas with mixed African and American Indian ancestry. A sample in Mexico had 38% A and 62% G; in Puerto Rico the frequencies were 59% A and 41% G, and a sample of African-Americans from Charleston had 19% A with 81% G. What is the FST in this example?

  • Cranial features and race

    Sun, 2011-11-27 21:51 -- John Hawks
    Synopsis: 
    A primer on assigning forensic race to crania based on their morphology

    Individuals whose ancestry derives mostly from different parts of the world sometimes have different cranial features. Forensic anthropologists have studied these differences for many years, finding some that are especially useful for distinguishing ancestry. In American legal contexts, ancestry is usually at issue as a way of determining the racial affinity of unidentified skeletal remains. Hence, the forensic anthropologist usually tries to make a determination as to whether a skull has features that indicate African, European, Asian or Native American ancestry.

    Cranial features are not perfect indicators of ancestry: Forensic anthropologists using multiple features claim at best 85% accuracy in their assessment of racial ancestry. When we know less about the context of a skull, we will be less and less accurate.

    Here are some traits that vary between skulls with different race backgrounds. Most of them are on the face or palate.

    • Shape of the eye orbits, viewed from the front. Africans tend to a more rectangular shape, East Asians more circular, Europeans tend to have an ``aviator glasses'' shape.
    • Nasal sill: Europeans tend to have a pronounced angulation dividing the nasal floor from the anterior surface of the maxilla; Africans tend to lack a sharp angulation, Asians tend to be intermediate.
    • Nasal bridge: Africans tend to have an arching, ``Quonset hut'' shape, Europeans tend to have high nasal bones with a peaked angle, Asians tend to have low nasal bones with a slight angulation.
    • Nasal aperture: Africans tend to have wide nasal apertures, Europeans narrow.
    • Subnasal prognathism: Africans tend to have maxillae that project more anteriorly (prognathic) below the nose, Europeans tend to be less projecting.
    • Zygomatic form: Asians tend to have anteriorly projecting cheekbones. The border of the frontal process (lateral to the orbit) faces forward. In Europeans and Africans, these face more laterally and the zygomatic recedes more posteriorly.

    What to do: This station includes several casts representing skulls of different ancestries, along with one ``mystery skull''. Examine the features that vary by ancestry in this skull, comparing it with the others. Can you assess the racial origin of the mystery skull?

  • Braiding Denisovans into our ancestry

    Fri, 2011-11-04 10:39 -- John Hawks

    Dalton Luther reflects on the Denisovan admixture paper [1] that I wrote about earlier this week ("How widespread is Denisovan ancestry today?"), by referring to John Moore's work on ethnogenesis [2].

    Getting back to the original quote about Denisovan legacies, just because the Denisovans aren’t “around” anymore, doesn’t mean they’re not “around.” An ancient population is present even though in a very different form. Using the braided river metaphor, the name Denisovan refers to the contents of a particular stream that mixed back into another stream, which grew larger, amplifying its original contents.

    What seems to be the challenging concept to some geneticists is that some people today have that legacy and others don't. But it's not at all unusual for that to be true of families, kindreds, cultural traits, or even languages. So why should it be unusual for populations?


    References

    1. Skoglund P, and Jakobsson M. 2011. Archaic human ancestry in East Asia. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, U. S. A.
    2. Moore JH. 1994. Putting anthropology back together again: the ethnogenetic critique of cladistic theory. American Anthropologist 96:925–948.
  • Gould's "Unconscious Manipulation of Data"

    Wed, 2011-06-08 18:59 -- John Hawks

    OK, so I can't say it's not "brain science" because measuring skulls is as close to brain science as anthropology ever gets. But it just shouldn't be that hard to measure volume. It's a simple physical fact.

    Sure, there are complexities in measuring the volume of an object with a complicated shape and holes, like a human skull. But this is not one of the world's great mysteries. Seal the holes, fill the skull with beads or shot or something, and pour it into a graduated cylinder. Junior high stuff.

    Samuel Morton became famous in the mid 19th century as an empirical scientist for measuring the skulls of people from different parts of the world. Stephen Jay Gould claimed, first in Science in 1978 [1] and later in his book The Mismeasure of Man [2], that Samuel Morton fudged his data on skull volumes. In Gould's telling, Morton began with a strong bias toward finding that Caucasians were the superior race and made several choices in measurement and reporting statistics that tended to confirm this bias. Gould's biggest claims, in a statistical sense, were fairly obscure statistical points about the tabulation of averages and treatment of subpopulations as compared to major race groups. One claim, however, was more memorable than all the rest -- the notion that Morton used seed to measure the skulls and packed it in harder with his thumb to increase the measured volume of "White" skulls.

    Most people probably suppose Gould to have been an expert on the Morton collection, but in fact he never examined or measured the crania himself. A new paper in PLoS Biology by Jason Lewis and colleagues [3] accomplishes what no one else did in the succeeding 30 years (despite one earlier attempt): they checked Gould's facts. They find that again and again, Gould misstated the evidence or simply made stuff up.

    This is an important paper. The authors wrote in an even tone and lay out the facts in a very straightforward way. As a reader, I can't see how they managed to keep their cool. Some of Gould's mistakes are outrageous, with others it is hard for me to believe that the misstatements were not deliberate misrepresentations.

    For example, let's take the story about pushing seed into the skulls. Here is a paragraph from Lewis and colleagues, with direct quotes from Gould:

    Gould famously suggested that Morton's measurements may have been subject to bias: “Plausible scenarios are easy to construct. Morton, measuring by seed, picks up a threateningly large black skull, fills it lightly and gives it a few desultory shakes. Next, he takes a distressingly small Caucasian skull, shakes hard, and pushes mightily at the foramen magnum with his thumb. It is easily done, without conscious motivation; expectation is a powerful guide to action” [5]. While Gould offers this as only a “plausible scenario,” and did not remeasure any crania, subsequent authors have generally (and incorrectly) cited Gould as demonstrating that Morton physically mismeasured crania (e.g., [15]).

    In other words, Gould made up the whole thing. It was an utter fabulation. It is disgraceful that later authors have cited this idea as fact.

    When Lewis and colleagues examined Morton's numbers they found that there had been no bias in the direction Gould claimed. Measurements from seed had greater error than those from lead shot, in part (as Morton himself had written) because he employed an assistant for seed measurements early on, but later did these personally with shot.

    Moreover, Lewis and colleagues systematically remeasured the volumes of a sample comprising half of the skulls Morton measured, and found no systematic bias, with the few deviations in Morton's data actually in the direction opposite his supposed bias.

    With numbers like these, it is natural to wonder exactly where Gould came up with his idea that Morton's numbers were fudged. Here's how: Gould fudged his own numbers! I'm quoting here a long passage from the paper, because it is essential to understand Gould's full perfidy.

    Gould also performed his own analysis of Morton's cranial capacity data and came to the conclusion that “there are no differences to speak of among Morton's races” ([1], italics in original). For Morton's 1839 seed-based measurements, Gould claims that Morton's Native American average capacity is artificially depressed by his inappropriate use of a straight mean (taking the average of each individual specimen in the entire sample) rather than a grouped mean (first taking the average of each Native American population subsample, then calculating the mean of those means), since the former is sensitive to differences in sample sizes between “large headed” populations and “small headed” populations. In fact, the grouped mean for Morton's Native American dataset is 79.9 in3, almost identical to the straight mean of 80.2 in3 (Dataset S3). So Morton's use of a straight mean actually slightly increased his Native American average. Gould's calculation of a higher Native American average (83.8 in3) is entirely a function of Gould omitting 34 crania (of 144) as coming from populations with samples of n

    Gould's reanalysis of Morton's 1849 shot-based data resulted in a Native American mean capacity of 86 in3 rather than Morton's original 79 in3 [1]. Gould obtained his new average by again taking the group mean of Native American populations with four or more crania. But Gould also applied an additional restriction: he only included Native American crania that Morton had also previously measured with seed. This restriction is entirely arbitrary on Gould's part, as Morton's publications and analyses for his seed- and shot-based measurements are completely separate (1839 versus 1849), and Gould did not apply this restriction to the other groups he reanalyzed in Morton's shot-based data. If this restriction is lifted, Gould's Native American average would be reduced to about 83 in3, considerably below his reported 86 in3 (Dataset S3).

    Here is the most sympathetic reading I can give to these facts. Gould systematically selected data from Morton's tables that tended to inflate the measured volumes of Native American crania. He did so by averaging some group means instead of overall means (although Lewis and colleagues show that Morton himself had used group means for many comparisons, contrary to Gould's claims), by excluding some small-skulled groups entirely (claiming sample size as a criterion), and by omitting crania that had not been measured in the earlier, seed-based analysis. There is no logical reason for these choices other than selection bias -- Gould began with a conclusion about Morton's unconscious motivations, and worked to confirm that conclusion by selecting some data and omitting contrary data.

    Anyway, you can see why I find this outrageous. Gould used the well-documented work of a long-dead man to make an argument that unconscious bias is widespread in science. He posed as a concerned critic, but thereby cast doubt on the validity of the scientific enterprise. He picked volume measurement and tabulation of averages as his target, making it seem as if the simplest and most objective observations -- the Junior High-level science methods -- were themselves subject to all-encompassing cultural biases. His paper and book are very widely read and cited by people who will never examine the primary evidence. Gould owed us a responsible reading and trustworthy reporting on that evidence. In its place, he made up fictional stories, never directly examined the evidence himself, and misreported Morton's numbers.

    This stuff really ticks me off. I don't think that Gould's errors can be written off as "unconscious bias". Reading back over his 1978 article, I cannot believe that Science published it.

    The new paper is open access ("The Mismeasure of Science: Stephen Jay Gould versus Samuel George Morton on Skulls and Bias"), and I think that everyone should read it. The text is easy to follow, and the authors include clear answers to common questions about Morton's work and beliefs. It is a very suitable article for assignment in classes. They note that the basic issue here (endocranial volume of different groups) is largely explained by ecogeography -- the authors mention climate explicitly, but I would add body size and life history as parameters that covary with climate. Measurement of endocranial volume was cutting edge science in 1840, but I repeat, this is simple stuff.


    References

    Synopsis: 
    A team of anthropologists finds that Stephen Jay Gould systematically misrepresented the work of Samuel George Morton.
  • Weidenreich and the Hittite Goddess

    Wed, 2011-03-16 17:13 -- John Hawks

    By chance I ran across an 2009 post by Rachel Martin of NYU Museum Studies, which investigates a mystery related to one of my scientific heroes, Franz Weidenreich ("A Hittite Goddess and Theories of Race):

    In the archives of the American Museum of Natural History, there is a lantern slide. It shows a head carved in stone from an archaeological excavation. This image presented me with several mysteries. I not only had to identify the subject, but also the reason why the slide was at AMNH. When I first saw the slide and its box, I thought the image had been used in eugenics lectures. Now, however, I believe the reverse is true. The slide’s owner was actually a strong opponent of eugenics. I believe that he used the slide in lectures arguing against the practice of eugenics in anthropological research.

    She doesn't have an answer at the end, but I bet there's a story here someone could uncover more fully.

  • Good grief, the Neandertal test kits have been sent

    Wed, 2010-07-14 00:13 -- John Hawks

    Blaine Bettinger (the Genetic Genealogist) writes that some commercial test offerings are trying to sort out a way to tell you how Neandertal you are:

    Once [the Max Planck] study came out, I knew it was only a matter of time before companies began offering tests that examined the percent of Neanderthal contribution to a test-taker’s genome.

    This is one of the stickiest places to be a blogger. Bettinger links to a testing company's information on its product (including promotion of "Neandertal themed art" for the customer, sold at their Las Vegas gallery). Others have linked to Bettinger, drawing more attention.

    I think that as a scientist, more promotion is the last thing I should be giving this company. So I won't be naming or linking to their advertising.

    Ironically, the promotional material does not make any false statements of fact. The material makes it perfectly clear that the product does not test any gene variants that scientific research has shown may have come from Neandertals. Instead, the product reports on gene variants that we don't know about from Neandertals.

    Huh?

    You may wonder how a company can market such a product as a "Neanderthal Index". Since "Neanderthal Index" is not a scientific concept, a company can claim whatever it wants.

    So what is it? According to the material, the Neanderthal Index is computed from (a very few) STR alleles shared with "archaic" populations. Those "archaic" populations aren't Neandertals, they're Basques, Turks, Syrians, and other living people. Anthropologists do not call these people "archaic", so this is not a scientific concept either. Nobody has demonstrated that the listed populations are more or less Neandertal-like than any other living people. Most of the differences between these living populations emerged during the last 10,000 years.

    You'd do better putting calipers on your skull and measuring your cephalic index. At least that would tell you whether some real phenotype is Neandertal-like.

    I don't imagine that customers beating down the doors for this product. I think it exists as a way of bringing attention -- Neandertals are in the headlines. That's a big reason to not give them any attention. The test has nothing whatsoever to do with Neandertals as we scientifically understand them.

    Can you tell that I'm disgusted by this?

    Here in my lab, we're in a very good position to say that no test today can accurately report on your individual proportion of Neandertal ancestry. Until we have characterized a broader set of gene trees than we have so far, we are really not able to give any answer about how similar any person's genome is to Neandertals. We can't say yet how heterogeneous the human population is today in its ancestry from different parts of the world during the Late Pleistocene. For the past thirty years most working geneticists completely ignored the possibility of such heterogeneity, we are only just beginning to investigate it seriously.

    This kind of thing may not be why the FDA is looking to regulate personal genomics. Neandertal ancestry is not directly relevant to health. But if customers buy tests like this thinking that they are learning about Uncle Thag, just how much misinformation will they accept from other tests that purport to tell them something more important?

  • African-American mtDNA and regional populations of Africa

    Fri, 2010-03-12 12:04 -- John Hawks

    I'm attending a symposium on genetics and genealogy of the African Diaspora this morning. Fatimah Jackson is here giving a very interesting talk about her genetic work in Africa and African-Americans, and in particular her idea of "ethnogenetic layering" (Jackson 2008), which is basically a strategy for describing the fine-scale makeup of present-day populations by examining their genetic ancestry from different regions of the Old World.

    Part of her research has involved characterizing the regional distribution of mtDNA haplotypes within African populations. She shared some newer data with us, but I thought it worth pointing people to an earlier publication by Bert Ely, Jackson and others (2006), which gave rise to some strong insights about the poverty of current sampling of African populations.

    The study reports on a sample of 3725 mtDNA sequences (HVS-I) from a diversity of sub-Saharan African populations. That's quite a massive sample of sequences, certainly on the scale that had been available earlier. It is substantially more numerous than

    When a sample of 74 Gullah/Geechee mtDNA sequences were compared with the sub-Saharan database, approximately half of the mtDNAs were identical to two or more mtDNAs in the database and only seven mtDNAs matched mtDNAs from a single ethnic group. The remaining 28 mtDNAs were not identical to any sequence in the expanded database.

    Similar results were obtained when the 97 African-American AFDIL mtDNAs were compared with the databases. Approximately half (49) of the mtDNAs were identical to multiple sequences in the original database. As with the Gullah/Geechee sample, fewer than 10% of the sequences matched a sequence from a single ethnic group, and 40% of the sequences did not have any perfect match in the database (Ely et al. 2006:3).

    There are two aspects worth noting in those results. On the one hand, the common haplotypes -- the ones that the African-American samples were likely to have a match to -- were not regionally specific within Africa. They are shared by many ethnic groups, distributed across the continent.

    On the other hand, 40% of the African-American sequences have no match among the nearly 4000 sequences taken from continental Africa. That's astounding to me, just from the standpoint of sampling. Most of the common haplotypes will emerge within a relatively small sample, so to find something you haven't already seen, you have to sample disproportionately more -- in fact, exponentially more -- individuals. You can just imagine how many tens or hundreds of thousands of sequences you would have to gather to have an adequate representation of African mtDNA for this purpose -- the purpose of finding matches for a large fraction (say, more than 90 percent) of African-American mtDNA haplotypes that originated in Africa (there are of course a substantial fraction whose recent maternal ancestry originated somewhere else).

    One of the features of the symposium is a discussion of the relevance of ancestry testing. Jackson is an expert in this field and well-recognized -- she appeared in several of the "African-American Lives" episodes, for example.

    With several companies and organizations now offering various kinds of ancestry tests, these have become increasingly affordable. But the results are often confusing; people don't know how to interpret them. Some of that confusion was evidenced in questions here at the symposium -- as part of a year-long discussion group, several local people submitted cheek swabs for ancestry interpretation. The results are often poor, because the sampling of recent populations is inadequate to really answer many questions. Where were today's populations 300 years ago? Have we adequately sampled the variation of present populations.

    Research like Jackson's has shown that even widespread and numerous samples provide a real poverty of information about mtDNA diversity. The situation is vastly worse if we turn to autosomal variation, because the samples are smaller and more scattered.

    Of course, for many anthropological purposes, the samples we have today are tremendously useful. My work on recent selection, for example, has made leaps and bounds on samples of a few hundred individuals.

    But the converse case -- you take a person and ask whether you can diagnose their origin -- that task requires much larger samples to gain any statistical confidence in the general case. There may be specific haplotypes that are highly specific as to their present distribution -- but then, all of those are rare haplotypes, and you have to be lucky enough to have it within the comparative sample that the organization or company has gathered.

    I'm still listening here and some of the later presentations will touch on the issues of genetic ancestry testing more directly. But I thought I would share a quote I really liked, with which Jackson ended her comments:

    I'm not against genetic ancestry testing. It's fun. But in the final analysis, you have to look in the mirror, and you decide who you are.

    Related posts:

    Skip Gates discovers that genetic tests don't mean what he thought they meant.

    Anne Wojcicki from 23andMe comments on genomics and race

    Unintended consequences of genetic ancestry tests

    References:

    Ely B, Wilson JL, Jackson F, Jackson BA. 2006. African-American mitochondrial DNAs often match mtDNAs found in multiple African ethnic groups. BMC Biology 4:34. doi:10.1186/1741-7007-4-34

    Jackson FLC. 2008. Ethnogenetic layering (EL): an alternative to the traditional race model in human variation and health disparity studies. Ann Hum Biol 35:121-144. doi:10.1080/03014460801941752

  • Return of the "amazing" Boskops

    Mon, 2010-01-04 09:19 -- John Hawks

    Oh, good grief!

    [post UPDATED]

    I have had an unusual number of hits the past few days, so I went through my logs looking for the source. Turns out people are reading my 2008 review of the "Boskops race"("The 'amazing' Boskops").

    Over 10,000 people have read that post since the New Year began. That post has always gotten a recurring readership, because of a 2008 book by Gary Lynch and Richard Granger, Big Brain: The Origins and Future of Human Intelligence.

    Evidently the book is about to come out in paperback. And Discover magazine, which gave the book a fairly positive review on its release, has now reprinted an excerpt detailing the wondrous features of the Boskops race ("What Happened to the Hominids Who Were Smarter Than Us?"). Someone copied the whole thing to Richard Dawkins' website. And people reading the excerpt are trying to find out more about this fantastic story, and finding my blog.

    Well, to all those seeking the light of paleoanthropology, welcome!

    To those who have linked the post: I want to let you all know that your links have directed more than 10,000 people to find some actual true information about the "Boskop race". Good work out there!

    What can I do to update people, now that this story is spreading once again? My original post gives a short history, but was not based on a real review of the book. I was just trying to get some accurate information out there.

    Now I have read the excerpt, and much (but not all) of the Boskop-related text in the book (courtesy of Amazon).

    It's worse than I feared. The excerpt actually presents 1920's-era anthropology as if it were the state of our knowledge about Boskop and the "Boskop race" today. I have not found any passages in the book or chapter notes that contradict the excerpt's portrayal. I cannot find references or citations of post-1940 research on skeletal remains or archaeology from southern Africa. There's no hint of what happened after archaeologists began to use radiocarbon dating, nor do we hear even the identity of any specimens, except for the original (and fragmented) Boskop skull itself.

    How can this be? From the book's notes, it appears that the authors didn't find any information on these topics:

    One of the oddities in the Boskop story is the disconnect between the rich trove of references from the early twentieth century, and the paucity of references after that time (Lynch and Granger 2008: 218).

    I find that very sad, because there is a much richer trove of references after 1958. Archaeologists have developed a deep understanding of the chronology and material culture of LSA and later hunter-gatherers around the Cape and northward. Skeletal biologists have studied the health status, demography, and morphology of Holocene and earlier peoples. Some have even examined the endocranial volumes of southern African skeletal samples, and have tested the hypothesis of trends in brain size over time.

    All this work shows a very different picture than that sketched by Lynch and Granger.

    I'm going to be very measured, because while I am often snarky, I rarely come straight out and write that something is bunk. The portrayal of "Boskops" in the Discover excerpt is so out of line with anthropology of the last forty years, that I am amazed the magazine printed it. I am unaware of any credible biological anthropologist or archaeologist who would confirm their description of the "Boskopoids," except as an obsolete category from the history of anthropology.

    [UPDATE (2010-01-04): I have heard from Amos Zeeberg, the Web editor at Discover. He writes that the excerpt was intended to run identified as a "controversial idea, but that context didn't come across as intended." The web page has been changed to make that context clear, and to link to my discussion here. I think it's great that he responded so quickly, although I think that this case is not controversial, it's non-science. ]

    Besides that, the authors make several questionable statements about the relative sizes of parts of the brain and their relation to cognition and behavior in ancient hunter-gatherers.

    IQ of fossils

    We have no credible way of estimating the IQ of a fossil skull. The excerpt claims:

    Even if brain size accounts for just 10 to 20 percent of an IQ test score, it is possible to conjecture what kind of average scores would be made by a group of people with 30 percent larger brains. We can readily calculate that a population with a mean brain size of 1,750 cc would be expected to have an average IQ of 149.

    First of all, there never was any human population with a 1750 cc average brain size.

    Now, taking the counterfactual: A regression equation within a population can predict an expected value for an individual within that population. But in population genetics, the average IQ that we would predict for a population with a 1750 cc average, depends on how the brain got to be that size. Natural selection on intelligence or brain size would have altered the relation that holds within humans. Nor do we know whether the present-day correlation would have characterized any ancient population -- or indeed most living human populations. The current value in Europeans may be an artifact of Holocene genetic changes.

    The authors do not list the specific regression that they use, or its source. The correlation relates to the proportion of variance explained by the relation of brain size and intelligence is irrelevant to this prediction. What we want to know is the slope of the regression. The prediction here would require a slope of 0.14, assuming it had been derived from a population with a mean male volume of 1400 cc and an average IQ of 100. That's a higher slope than I've seen reported in any analysis of the brain size - IQ relationship.

    The "inconceivable" prefrontal cortex

    We know little about the relative sizes of cortical areas in fossil hominins. The excerpt claims that the prefrontal area of a Boskop must have been "inconceivably large"

    Going from human to Boskop, these association zones are even more disproportionately expanded. Boskop’s brain size is about 30 percent larger than our own—that is, a 1,750-cc brain to our average of 1,350 cc. And that leads to an increase in the prefrontal cortex of a staggering 53 percent. If these principled relations among brain parts hold true, then Boskops would have had not only an impressively large brain but an inconceivably large prefrontal cortex.

    First of all, there was never any human population with an 1750 cc average brain size.

    Again, the example is a misapplication of regression, in this case an among-species regression. The excerpt appears to assume that the evolution of relative prefrontal area among human populations must have followed the same disproportionate pattern of increase as that between humans and chimpanzees. Prefrontal cortex volume is larger, relative to brain size, in humans compared to other primates. But this relation is not very much larger in humans -- recent estimates range from less than 10 to 30 percent compared to chimpanzees (Holloway 2002, Schoenemann et al. 2005). Even if some ancient humans had a second burst of expansion, again as great as that on the hominin lineage leading from apes to us, their prefrontal volume would hardly be "inconceivably large".

    And there's no reason at all to assert such a second, bonus expansion of prefrontal area in ancient humans. The prefrontal area ought to scale close to the total brain size, as it does within living people.

    Science fiction

    The authors actually cite and discuss Loren Eiseley's Immense Journey, which I discussed in my earlier post. Eiseley was a naturalist/anthropologist/science writer, and a very popular essayist -- he's the kind of person we could use more of today. But his reflections on the "Boskop people" were a fictional trope -- and were already, in 1958. He was a great writer, but relying on Eiseley for up-to-date information on anthropology is like relying on Truman Capote as an authority on crime.

    Suppose that we take the "Boskops" story just as a science fiction fairy tale -- a story showing that evolution is not synonymous with progress, as the authors imply. I still conclude that much of the other information about brain size in the excerpt is questionable or false.

    The authors speculate:

    Our big brains give us such powers of extrapolation that we may extrapolate straight out of reality, into worlds that are possible but that never actually happened.

    That's Boskop, all right. Extrapolated straight from worlds that never happened!

    References:

    Broom R. 1918. The evidence afforded by the Boskop skull of a new species of primitive man (Homo capensis). Anthropol Pap Am Mus Nat Hist 23 (2):63-79.

    Brothwell DR. 1963. Evidence of early population change in central and southern Africa: Doubts and problems. Man 63:101-104.

    Dart R. 1923. Boskop remains from the south-east African coast. Nature 112:623-625.

    Dubow S. 1996. Human origins, race typology and the other Raymond Dart. African Studies 55:1-30.

    Henneberg M, Steyn M. 1993. Trends in cranial capacity and cranial index in Subsaharan Africa during the Holocene. Am J Hum Biol 5:473-479.

    Holloway RL. 2002. How much larger is the relative volume of area 10 of the prefrontal cortex in humans? Am J Phys Anthropol 118:399-401. doi:10.1002/ajpa.10090

    Pycraft WP. 1925. On the calvaria found at Boskop, Transvaal, in 1913, and its relationship to Cromagnard and Negroid skulls. J Roy Anthropol Inst 55:179-198.

    Schauder DE. 1963. The anthropological work of F. W. FitzSimons in the Eastern Cape. S Afr Archaeol Bull 18:52-59.

    Semendeferi K, Armstrong E, Schleicher A, Zilles K, Van Hoesen GW. 2001. Prefrontal cortex in humans and apes: a comparative study of Area 10. Am J Phys Anthropol 114:224-241.

    Singer R. The Boskop "race" problem. Man 58:173-178.

    Singer R. 1962. Presidential Address 1962: The South African Archaeological Society: The future of physical anthropology in South Africa. S Afr Archaeol Bull 17:205-211.

    Stynder DD, Ackermann RR, Sealy JC. 2007. Craniofacial variation and population continuity in the South African Holocene. Am J Phys Anthropol 134:489-500. doi:10.1002/ajpa.20696

  • Mailbag: Race, words and definitions

    Mon, 2009-08-24 09:56 -- John Hawks

    I believe this problem with the word "race" which biologists have needs to
    be handled as a communication problem. The way that biologists use the term
    is, like the word "species" Darwinian, but that is not what "normal" people
    mean. The flexible concept of an interbreeding population is fine and clear
    to me, but it is not what most people think of when they read about
    biologists proving the existence of races and species.

    I think this is what prompted most anthropologists to jettison the word. But then there are two strains in anthropology that are hard to reconcile with each other. One strain rejects the word "race" with its unpleasant social correlates, but pretty much retains the nineteenth-century concept. Another strain rejects the concept of race entirely.

    This of course becomes confusing because we can see statements like "anthropologists all agree there's no such thing as race," but in fact some really do believe there are no such groups, while others believe in such groups for all intents and purposes but refer to them only with Orwellian terms!

    I don't have any answer, really, but you're certainly correct that it's a public communication nightmare. In my classes, I estimate half the students just assume that anthropologists are lying about race.

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Neandertals

For years, I've worked on their bones. Now I'm working on their genes. Read more about the science studying these ancient people.

Denisova

From a finger bone of an ancient human came the record of a completely unexpected population. My lab is working on the science of the Denisova genome.

Acceleration

The advent of agriculture caused natural selection to speed up greatly in humans. We're uncovering some of the ways that populations have rapidly changed during the last 10,000 years.

Malapa

Just outside Johannesburg, the Malapa site is producing some of the most exciting finds in human evolution. This site is the headquarters of the Malapa Soft Tissue Project.