john hawks weblog

paleoanthropology, genetics and evolution

out-of-Africa

  • Schools of fish, schools of thought

    Thu, 2011-12-22 00:17 -- John Hawks

    Kate Shaw enters a report in the science section of Wired on a paper that modeled decision-making in animal groups: "How ignorance could improve group decisions." The paper itself by Iain Couzin and colleagues was in Science [1]. Jevin West and Carl Bergstrom authored a companion perspective piece in Science explicating some of the paper's findings. Here's the paper's abstract:

    Conflicting interests among group members are common when making collective decisions, yet failure to achieve consensus can be costly. Under these circumstances individuals may be susceptible to manipulation by a strongly opinionated, or extremist, minority. It has previously been argued, for humans and animals, that social groups containing individuals who are uninformed, or exhibit weak preferences, are particularly vulnerable to such manipulative agents. Here, we use theory and experiment to demonstrate that, for a wide range of conditions, a strongly opinionated minority can dictate group choice, but the presence of uninformed individuals spontaneously inhibits this process, returning control to the numerical majority. Our results emphasize the role of uninformed individuals in achieving democratic consensus amid internal group conflict and informational constraints.

    In other words, they have generated an agent-based model where each individual may have a marginal effect on group behavior relative to an "intensity" parameter, and the group's decision is dictated by the collective center of gravity. "Uninformed" in the title is a misnomer; the study examines what happens to the group as individuals with little or no bias (that is, low "intensity") are added to the group. Adding a high fraction of such individuals tends to reduce the influence of a small minority of individuals with an intense bias. In other words, the addition of low-bias individuals in the model skews the group decision in favor of a low-intensity majority.

    Not surprising; the model generates the results expected given the assumptions. The study's most interesting aspect is its application of the model to a problem of schooling in fish.

    So why do so many of the press accounts of this study claim that it shows that "ignorance" can support democratic decisions? The "uninformed" individuals in the model lack information only in the sense that they lack a strong preference. In no other sense does information come into the model, other than as a measure of decision bias. This is "information" more or less in the sense that someone can "ask the audience" on "Who Wants to Be a Millionaire?" The contestant basically has to hope that a minority of the audience knows the correct answer, while the majority has no bias toward a false answer.

    I've been thinking a lot about modern human origins lately, as I'm finishing up an e-book project. For many years I have worked very closely with the details in this area, really pushing up my sleeves and getting into both the genetic and morphological aspects of the problem. What always struck me was how the "scientific consensus" emerged in favor of an Out-of-Africa replacement hypothesis, and against the multiregional evolution hypothesis. The protagonists on either side of the modern human origins controversy didn't really change very much over time. There were few high-profile "defections" from one side to the other. Initially, many of the best-known paleoanthropologists and geneticists sat on the fence. After all, few people work so directly with the evidence of modern human origins, when there is a debate it is reasonable to be cautious. But over a decade, like wildebeest waiting to jump into the crocodile-infested river, paleoanthropologists and geneticists whose work has little to do with modern human origins began to tip in favor of the replacement scenario.

    They jumped too soon.

    But why? I've been tackling this question: How did the majority of paleoanthropologists and human geneticists get this one so wrong?

    I feel so fortunate to have been engaged in this problem, because it says so much about the process of science. Science is always a process where progress requires an opinionated minority to recruit support among peers who are not specialists in the same area. Such a minority may forge consensus through consistent and repeated demonstration of facts. More likely -- as in the case of modern human origins, where new evidence was often equivocal -- a motivated minority will apply a broader range of rhetorical strategies. Over the years, I saw people pull out every trick in the book to persuade the uncommitted to their point of view.

    Rapid visual processing allows schooling fish to signal and comprehend the direction of movement within milliseconds. Scientists signal each other through their publications, grant reviews, and the press. It takes a lot longer for scientists to school.


    References

    Synopsis: 
    A paper on decision making in groups of animals prompts me to think about science.
  • Mailbag: Where did Neandertals come from?

    Thu, 2011-08-18 17:51 -- John Hawks

    Dr. Hawks,
    I greatly enjoyed your course on the rise of humans I purchased through the Teaching Company.
    I could not find the answer to this question: if humans migrated out of Africa and met Neandertals and interbred, where did the Neandertals originally come from?
    I am sure you are a busy man but I find this puzzling me. Thank you in advance for answering this question.

    Thank you so much for your kind words!

    We don't strictly know where Neandertals originated. We do know that their population and the African population began to differentiate sometime before 250,000 years ago. I think it is likely that the ancestors of Neandertals migrated out of Africa at that time and began to evolve within western Eurasia, later to come into contact with Africans again. But there are fossil humans who seem to have some Neandertal-like features in Europe far earlier, as early as 600,000 years ago. One possibility is that the ancestors of Africans and Neandertals actually lived outside of Africa, and Neandertals stayed there as other people moved into Africa. Another is that a population representing most of the ancestry of Neandertals left Africa more recently, maybe within the last 150,000 years, and mixed with an earlier European population. It is even possible that the Neandertal and African ancestors lived long-term in Europe and Africa, respectively, with a high rate of gene flow between them for their entire history.

    At this level things seem uncertain and will remain that way until we have a better fossil record in Africa. It's an exciting time for those of us who study that time period!

  • The sign of four

    Thu, 2011-06-16 18:30 -- John Hawks

    Gene Expression this morning is worth some thought, a post about the mtDNA of Andaman Islanders and their connections to mainland Asian populations. "Present genetic variation is a weak guide to past genetic variation". In a nutshell, some anthropologists and geneticists had hoped that Andaman Island people were a kind of "time capsule" of the original migration of people out of Africa. The mtDNA lineages are inconsistent with that hypothesis.

    On a final note, if the Andaman Islanders arrived ~20 thousand years before the present from the South Asian mainland they don’t tell us very much about the “Out of Africa” people. They’re not “living fossils,” and it was frankly somewhat stupid probably to think they would be.

    I don't have time at the moment to do my own review but definitely there is a deeper issue at play. It is extremely interesting that we're finding the Andaman Island population fits into the genetic landscape of South Asia at the Last Glacial Maximum, and not earlier. Even if the islands were first inhabited at the LGM, we might expect early inhabitants to preserve variation that had later been supplanted within South and Southeast Asia by the spread of agriculturalists. Apparently, they don't. It is likewise extremely interesting that Neolithic European mtDNA is predominated by haplogroups that are rare or absent in earlier Europeans. With a fuller review, I think we could likely come up with several more instances where fairly large pre-agricultural turnover was happening...I have two or three in mind.

    These observations show that the present distribution of genetic variation is in some ways completely unrepresentative of the patterns in the past. The thing that strikes me: It takes a pretty massive demographic turnover to make this happen. And what we're looking at in today's populations is many, many instances of such turnovers during the last 20,000 years.

    I've spent a good part of my career as a voice in the wilderness, saying that things just aren't simple enough to use genetics and a Wright-Fisher population model to reconstruct events before the Neolithic. But in many ways, mainstream geneticists weren't making an unreasonable assumption that one might reconstruct those events in a straightforward way using mtDNA or the Y chromosome. It's just that reality is stranger than they expected.

  • Language serial founder effects?

    Fri, 2011-04-15 01:39 -- John Hawks

    I'm at the American Association of Physical Anthropologists meetings this week, so I haven't had time to keep up with the press. Tonight I see this story about a new paper in Science by Quentin Atkinson, titled, "Phonemic Diversity Supports a Serial Founder Effect Model of Language Expansion from Africa" [1]. This seems an inauspicious title, considering that the genetic version of the serial founder effect model has taken serious body blows this year. Here's the abstract:

    Human genetic and phenotypic diversity declines with distance from Africa, as predicted by a serial founder effect in which successive population bottlenecks during range expansion progressively reduce diversity, underpinning support for an African origin of modern humans. Recent work suggests that a similar founder effect may operate on human culture and language. Here I show that the number of phonemes used in a global sample of 504 languages is also clinal and fits a serial founder–effect model of expansion from an inferred origin in Africa. This result, which is not explained by more recent demographic history, local language diversity, or statistical non-independence within language families, points to parallel mechanisms shaping genetic and linguistic diversity and supports an African origin of modern human languages.

    The data in the paper demonstrate a correlation between the phoneme inventory of languages and their geographic region, with areas furthest from Africa (Oceania and South America) having languages that average fewer distinct sounds. As in the case of genetics, this could be explained by other histories besides a recent serial founder effect.

    But for historical linguistics, there's a separate problem that deserves some consideration: Why should the origin of languages have had the largest inventory of phonemes? If small populations typically lose phonemic variation, why would sparse hunter-gatherer populations of Africa have built up the largest store of sounds just as they were getting started talking?

    Atkinson suggests that African populations have had more time to recover diversity after a bottleneck at the origin of language. That seems an inauspicious suggestion, considering that the genetic model of a founding bottleneck in Africa has taken some serious body blows this year.

    Just sayin'...


    References

  • Mailbag: Y chromosome Adam

    Thu, 2011-02-17 11:45 -- John Hawks
    Hi John,

    I enjoy your blog very much. I’ve been reading a lot recently on human origins and genetics (most recently, for example, Nicholas Wade’s book Before the Dawn).

    One issue that I find does not seem to be clear in popular science accounts, and I thought you could clarify--- around the so-called Y-Chromosome Adam (or Mitochondrial Eve). Have geneticists determined that “Adam” was actually an individual in the ancestral population? Or is this shorthand for what I understand to be a ‘deme’ or a subpopulation within the ancestral population.

    There is a unique ancestor for the Y chromosome, so it is really an individual. As in the case of the mtDNA, this would not be the only man who was alive at that time, it is just inevitable that at some point all the other Y chromosome lineages have become extinct.

    The reason you haven't heard too much about it lately is that there is a huge dispute about how long ago the Y chromosome ancestor lived. Most estimates put it within the last 70,000 years, which is too young. But we don't really know how much too young. I expect we'll have better estimates upon whole-genome sequencing, but not yet.

  • North by Northeast

    Tue, 2011-01-25 01:37 -- John Hawks

    An essay by Michael Balter in Science[1] asks the question, "Was North Africa the launch pad for modern human migrations?".

    This question seems to have an obvious answer. If you're in Africa and thinking about going somewhere else, you're going to have to go through the North part to get anywhere. South Africa seems like a really bad place to look for a "launch pad" of human migrations.

    Lots of people have written about South Africa as a "cradle" for modern human behavior. The density of high-quality archaeological sites explains this focus. The Howieson's Poort and Still Bay industries are genuinely interesting, and we can further examine a broader sampling of Middle Stone Age discoveries such as early adhesive use, heat-treated pressure flaking or cereal gathering. Still, most of these developments are very late in the game. If we're looking at things in South Africa 70,000 years ago, that's substantially later than the key events leading to human diversification within Africa.

    Balter reports on work that has during the past few years uncovered old dates for Aterian sites in North Africa. This regional variant of the Middle Stone Age is recognizable for its distinctive "tanged" points, and now extends from as early as 140,000 years ago to less than 40,000 years ago. The early end of this range is old enough to contribute to a possible dispersal of North/Northeast Africans into Eurasia. Hence Balter's story. On the other hand, if the Aterian were actually relevant to the movement of people into Eurasia, it is curious that Levantine Middle Paleolithic doesn't show clearer similarities to it.

    Most interesting detail: new skeletal material from Morocco:

    Last year, archaeologists excavating at the Grotte des Contrebandiers (Smuggler's Cave) on Morocco's Atlantic coast unearthed a rare prize: the skull and partial skeleton of a 7- or 8-year-old child. The fossils, dated to 108,000 years ago, appear to belong to an early member of our species, although study of them has just begun.

    I think it is increasingly likely that we will have genetics out of these North African materials. The fluctuating humidity of the Sahara (a focus of the article) does complicate matters, but the technology has progressed so rapidly that a well-preserved skeleton will surely turn up some endogenous DNA.

    Balter continues his story with some morphological analysis of North African materials. These don't as a group share any special similarities with Neandertals or people outside Africa -- although individual specimens do have features that show up elsewhere. The North African specimens (spanning from Jebel Irhoud at 160,000 years to Nazlet Khater at 40,000) are as you might expect really variable. They don't look particularly like recent peoples of North Africa, either -- "modern" in this context often means "not Neandertal" and masks some of the change that has taken place in the last 100,000 years. In other words, it's tough to tell a simple story of a North African ancestral population giving rise to variation outside of Africa, at least not without substantial evolutionary change in the non-Africans. It's not obvious how much of this evolution might be explained by mixture with Neandertals and other archaic Eurasians.

    Anyway, this explains why many paleoanthropologists don't see the Upper Paleolithic and equivalent-aged specimens outside of Africa as particularly African-looking. What remains unexplained is how much does morphology reflect ancestry over this kind of time span?

    I don't intend to answer the question, it needs more serious treatment.

    The genetic results have changed quickly over the past year. We will need to apply a somewhat different frame to North Africa -- one that recognizes a deeper differentiation of human populations within Africa (pre-Aterian, certainly, even with the older dates). We also have to resolve the biogeographic relationship across the Sinai between the Nile corridor and Levant.

    All of this means that Balter's story is very timely. Discovering more about the archaeology of Northeast Africa, the Arabian Peninsula and surrounding regions will obviously be crucial to understanding the rise of humans during the last 100,000 years.


    References

  • Merry Christmas

    Fri, 2010-12-24 16:33 -- John Hawks

    Razib's post, "The paradigm is dead, long live the paradigm", is a personal remembrance of the modern human origins problem, from his perspective. It includes many kind words about me and some very nice application of Rachel Caspari and Milford Wolpoff's Race and Human Evolution.

    I'm out of town and the blog is mostly running on autopilot. I'll try to put up some more Denisova-related stuff this week but the real meaty analysis will have to wait until I''m back in the lab.

  • The Denisova genome FAQ

    Wed, 2010-12-22 12:35 -- John Hawks

    Today, a paper by David Reich and colleagues presents the nuclear genome of the Denisova pinky bone [1]. This is the second “whole genome” of an apparently extinct population of Pleistocene humans. This genome is nearly as distinct from Neanderthals as the draft Neanderthal genome is from living people.

    Between the draft Denisova genome, the draft Neanderthal genome, and the genomes of living people, we now have a record of three human populations that share origins relatively early in the Pleistocene.The paper presents some population modeling that attempts to estimate the divergence times and levels of gene flow among these populations. I think as a first effort these models answer some questions definitively, but leave substantial room for elaboration and improvement. There are many clear mysteries, most notably whether any known fossil samples can be attributed to the population represented by the Denisova sequence.

    The most significant finding in the paper is the demonstration that some living humans trace significant fraction of their ancestry to the population represented by the Denisova genome. As in the case of Neanderthals, different human populations show significantly different levels of similarity to the Denisova sequence. For Neanderthals, the similarities indicated between one and four percent Neanderthal ancestry for living people outside of Africa. In the case of the Denisova sequence, the greatest similarities are with living people in Melanesia – in this paper, represented by genome samples from Papua New Guinea and Bougainville. The similarities are consistent with approximately 4% contribution of a Denisova-like population to the ancestry of these living Melanesians.

    The paper estimates that together, the Denisova and Neanderthal-derived genes account for 8% of the ancestry of these living people.

    I find that estimate stunning, it's a huge contribution into living populations by these ancient Pleistocene populations.

    The paper additionally reports the mtDNA of a second individual from Denisova Cave, represented by an isolated third molar. This mitochondrial sequence is very similar to the sequence of the pinky bone, which I count as very important because it means there is potentially a population here. However, they do not report any nuclear genome results from this second individual.

    Those are the basic headline results. As I often do, I've prepared a series of frequently asked questions about the paper. This one is very dense with information content, and that includes 90 pages of supplementary information. We'll be working through it carefully during the next few weeks. The most exciting part is that, like the Neanderthal genome, these data will be available for other researchers to study. My lab has been intensively going through the Neanderthal genome with several hypotheses in mind, and we are eager to start working with the Denisova sequence.

    Could we have predicted this result?

    There were pretty clear hints that something interesting may have been going on with the population structure in the ancestry of living people in Papua New Guinea. My graduate student, Aaron Sams, has been looking into the hypothesis of a deeper Pleistocene component of ancestry in this population for the last few months. Of course we had earlier this year the announcement from Keith Hunley and Jeff Long's group that microsatellite variation was consistent with an ancient Pleistocene structure to the ancestry of Melanesians.

    Our notion here was that we could use ascertainment bias within the public sets of SNP data to look for deeper genealogical roots within some populations. Because most single nucleotide polymorphisms have been ascertained in Europeans, and secondarily within other populations represented in biomedical contexts or the HapMap – chiefly Africans and East Asians – there is a chance that a deep genealogical root in Melanesians might be obviously represented by a haplotype bearing all ancestral polymorphisms. That's not to say that the population is more ancestral than other populations, just that the unique derived variants in that population were not ascertained.

    By targeting these regions with all-ancestral haplotypes, we began to make substantial progress identifying regions as candidates for a more ancient population structure in this part of the world. Pretty exciting stuff in the absence of an ancient human genome. But now the Denisova sequence gives us a very clear sign that such regions should be very widespread across the genome. Some of them are presently at high frequencies within samples of PNG genetic variation, so there is a good chance that some variants will turn out to be of adaptive importance in this population.

    The point is, this result doesn't come from nowhere. It was clearly anticipated by analysis of the genetic variation within living Melanesians. It is perhaps a bit of a surprise that an ancient genome from southern Siberia would provide so many genealogical ties to this island population. That will require us to give some close consideration to the population structure of Pleistocene people as well as the migration history leading to the peopling of Oceania.

    What is this tooth?

    The paper identifies the tooth as an upper third molar, or possibly as a second molar. What we can say about it is that it's relatively large. In fact its length and breadth put it within a size range occupied by australopithecines and early Homo, both H. habilis and H. erectus. There are no distinctive morphological characters that would allow it to be assigned to any taxon.

    What the paper doesn't point out is that there are Upper Paleolithic specimens that equal or exceed this tooth in size. For example, the measured length and breadth of an upper second molar from Oase, Romania, are larger than this specimen, and the third molar (in the crypt) of that specimen is yet larger. There is an Upper Paleolithic-associated molar from Turkey which is also exceedingly large.

    I don't take that as a sign of relationship between this specimen and early Upper Paleolithic people -- even though these are some of the earliest. It is another sign of how non-diagnostic this tooth actually is. I would say that in the absence of genetic information, we'd be looking at these remains as likely early Upper Paleolithic people, and accentuating these similarities.

    With the genome, there's a tendency to assume a completely opposite attitude -- that they must represent something separate and different from Upper Paleolithic people. That may be an overreaction -- the evidence of gene flow suggests the possibility of continued interaction among these Late Pleistocene groups.

    What happened to the X-Woman?

    I guess when they found a second individual, it was better to have a name for the group rather than the individual. Or maybe somebody didn't like the name X-Woman. As in, "I wonder what happened to the Oneders".

    Anyway, the paper uses the term "Denisovans" for this ancient population. That implies a certain agnosticism about whether any particular kinds of fossil humans might belong to the same population as the two sequenced individuals.

    How were the Denisovans related to Neandertals?

    Remembering that the Neandertal draft genome contains a very high fraction of spurious unique changes, Reich and colleagues performed a similar series of statistical comparisons to those done by Green and colleagues in the Neandertal analysis. Most prominent is limiting the comparison to places where humans and chimpanzees are known to differ. By targeting these sites, the analysis cuts the rate of false positive changes to a manageable level.

    I mention that because it is necessary to make sense of the direct quotes:

    The Denisova genome diverged from the reference human genome 11.7% (CI: 11.4–12.0%) of the way back along the lineage to the human– chimpanzee ancestor. For the Vindija Neanderthal, the divergence is 12.2% (CI: 11.9–12.5%). Thus, whereas the divergence of the Denisova mtDNA to present-day human mtDNAs is about twice as deep as that of Neanderthal mtDNA, the average divergence of the Denisova nuclear genome from present-day humans is similar to that of Neanderthals.

    So the Denisova, Neandertal and human genomes are close to a trichotomy in terms of their average relationship. For any particular gene, of course, there may be sister pairings between any two of those three -- and in many cases, between Denisovans and some living humans to the exclusion of other living humans. This gives rise to several tricky statistical issues as we consider particular gene loci.

    For the moment, we'll consider the genome-wide average. How similar are Denisovans and Neandertals? Reich and colleagues considered the subset of sites where two sequences (out of Denisova, Neandertal and human) share a derived SNP variant:

    The number of sites where the Denisova individual and Neanderthal cluster to the exclusion of the Yoruba and chimpanzee is 46,362, compared with an average of 22,012 sites for the other two possible patterns (Yoruba and Denisova, or Yoruba and Neanderthal). This excess of sites where Denisova and Neanderthal cluster supports the view that the Denisova individual and Neanderthals share a common history since separating from the ancestors of modern humans (Supplementary Information section 6).

    They share twice the number of derived variants compared to the human in their comparison. Denisovans and Neandertals shared substantial ancestry with each other. That may mean they emerged from a single population -- possibly the early Middle Pleistocene population of Eurasia. Or it may mean that they exchanged genes after they reached Eurasia.

    Reich and colleagues address this issue further by comparing pieces of two Neandertal genomes with Denisova. The Mezmaiskaya specimen is represented by much less sequence than the Vindija draft genome but it is geographically intermediate between Croatia and Denisova. By including this specimen with the Neandertals, Reich and colleagues could do a statistical analogue of FST -- giving a way of examining the extent of genetic exchanges between the ancestors fo these Neandertals and Denisovans. They found that the Mezmaiskaya and Vindija specimens were much more likely to share alleles with each other than with the Denisova sequence. It's a striking statistic -- if you do the same comparison with living people, they're 10 percent or so more likely to share alleles with neighbors than with distant individuals; Neandertals were apparently 65 percent percent more likely to share alleles with each other than with Denisova. It's not an exact stand-in for FST, but it's nearby. This was a highly structured Pleistocene population.

    Is the nuclear variation consistent with the mtDNA?

    I wrote about the Denisova mtDNA sequence last spring ("The Denisova mtDNA sequence: The X-Woman"). The sequence is an outgroup to a clade including both humans and Neandertals, and appeared to branch from our ancestors roughly a million years ago. That appeared to be a very interesting date -- possibly consistent with Homo erectus, but too recent to reflect the first dispersal of Homo from Africa, more than 1.8 million years ago.

    That mtDNA divergence date was not easily interpreted. As I pointed out at the time, it might have been consistent with incomplete lineage sorting in a single widespread human population -- maybe even the Neandertal population.

    Reich and colleagues show that the mtDNA divergence between Denisova and the modern-Neandertal clade is deeper than expected given the nuclear genome genealogical divergence. They also show that the nuclear genomes of Neandertals and Denisovans are somewhat closer than either is to the majority ancestors of living people. They discuss two possible explanations.

    One scenario a mixture of the Denisovans with a more ancient Pleistocene population, followed by introgression of a more ancient mtDNA clade into the Denisovans. This would assert an ancient structured population preceding the origin of Denisovans, presumably from one of the Middle Pleistocene populations of Africa or Eurasia.

    A second scenario is incomplete lineage sorting, in which an earlier mtDNA divergence was captured by the Denisova and Neandertal populations at the time of their divergence and differentially lost from them.

    Reich and colleagues show that both these scenarios may be consistent with evolution by genetic drift in these ancient groups, given some assumptions about their population sizes.

    I think there are still some reasonable questions about the relative dates of divergence, but those can probably be answered by considering the full pattern of variation of genealogies across the genome. Additionally, there may be uncertainty about the mutation rates used in both the mtDNA and nuclear comparisons. That's one reason why I consider the population models here to be a first draft of the real history.

    What are the archaeological associations?

    The current paper is more clear about the site's dating and stratigraphy than the earlier, shorter paper by Krause and colleagues [2]. In the spring, it appeared that the pinky bone was associated with the Upper Paleolithic at the site. In the current paper, the authors explain the complexity of layer 11, which contains both Upper Paleolithic industry and these skeletal and dental remains:

    The small size of both the phalanx and the tooth precludes direct radiocarbon dating. We instead dated seven bone fragments found close to the hominin remains in layer 11 in the east and south galleries. To ensure that they were associated with human occupation of the cave we chose bones that have evidence of human modification, including a rib with regular incisions and a bone projectile point blank generally associated with Upper Palaeolithic cultural assemblages. In the south gallery, where modified bones were not available, we used herbivore bones (Supplementary Information section 12).

    Four of the seven dates are infinite dates older than 50,000 years BP (uncalibrated), whereas three are finite dates between 16,000 and 30,000 years BP (Supplementary Table 12.1). The rib with incisions and the projectile point blank are about 30,000 and 23,000 years BP, respectively. Together with three previous dates23 this shows that layer 11 contains cultural remains from at least two different time periods, one period older than 50,000 years BP and one more recent period. However, the stratigraphy is complicated by the discovery of a wedge- shaped area close to the area where the phalanx was found that is likely to be disturbed (Supplementary Information section 12). Hominin remains large enough to allow direct radiocarbon dates may even- tually be discovered in the cave, but a reasonable hypothesis is that the phalanx and molar belong to the older occupation.

    So, no direct dates. By inference (of their weird-looking genetic sequences), the two skeletal individuals are likely to be older than the Upper Paleolithic, but the stratigraphy does not require this. There is a mixing of older and younger materials.

    Adding to the problem, the finger bone has anomalously good preservation of DNA -- the authors point out in the first paragraph of the discussion:

    The molecular preservation of the Denisova phalanx is exceptional in that the fraction of endogenous relative to microbial DNA is about 70%. By contrast, in all Neanderthal remains studied so far the relative abundance of endogenous DNA is below 5%, and typically below 1%. Furthermore, the average length of hominin DNA fragments in the Denisova phalanx is 58 base pairs (bp) (SL3003) and 74 bp (SL3004) in spite of the enzymatic treatment that removes uracil residues and decreases the average fragment size, whereas in most well-preserved Neanderthal samples it is 50 bp or smaller without this treatment. Thus, although many Neanderthals are preserved under conditions apparently similar to those in Denisova Cave, the Denisova phalanx is one of few bones found in temperate conditions that are as well preserved as many permafrost remains. It is not clear why this is.

    They can rule out some explanations because the molar does not have the same exceptional preservation. At the moment, we can probably just chalk it up to good luck. But I think the issue is not irrelevant to the problem of dating. What is going on with this site? Very unusual.

    Why Melanesians?

    Denisova Cave is in southern Siberia. The hominin occupation of the cave appears to have been within the last 50,000 years. People reached Sahul sometime before 40,000 years ago. How in the world did these people come into contact?

    The most plausible hypothesis is that the Denisovans represent a much larger and more widespread population across South and Southeast Asia. A population dispersing in the direction of island Southeast Asia would have encountered and mixed with this population. The dispersing population would have absorbed some adaptive genes, which would have increased in frequency thereby increasing the apparent genetic contribution of the indigenous Pleistocene population.

    This leaves some unanswered questions.

    1. Who were these ancient people? Were they "Homo erectus"?

    This would be my null hypothesis -- that we are looking at one site representing a widespread population across the eastern extent of Eurasia, including Sundaland, during the Middle Pleistocene. However, this scenario is not fully consistent with the population model presented by Reich and colleagues. In particular, they derive Denisovans and Neandertals from a single ancestral population that diverged from humans sometime during the last 500,000 years. That means that the type specimen of Homo erectus (roughly a million years old) cannot possibly have been part of the Denisovan population. Most of the fossil record of Homo erectus in Asia is too old to have been part of a Denisovan population.

    2. Why do the other populations of East and Southeast Asia not show clear signs of mixture with the Denisovans?

    The statistics in the paper show a clear (and large) component of Denisovan ancestry in the PNG and Bougainville genomes, but no large component elsewhere in Asia. Reich and colleagues address this question briefly.

    An interesting question is how widespread Denisovans were. A possibility is that they lived in large parts of East Asia at the time when Neanderthals were present in Europe and western Asia. One observation compatible with this possibility is that Denisovan relatives seem to have contributed genes to present-day Melanesians but not to present-day populations which currently live much closer to the Altai region such as Han Chinese or Mongolians (Table 1). Thus, they have at least at some point been present in an area where they interacted with the ancestors of Melanesians and this was presumably not in southern Siberia.

    Probably the best explanation for the disproportionate impact of the gene flow into the ancestors of Melanesians is a kind of peninsula effect -- they encountered these people early, moved along through their population the furthest, and acquired a substantial signature by a combination of selection and "surfing" neutral alleles along with population expansion. We can assume, I think, that Melanesians are not unique. We do not have a substantial genetic representation of island Indonesia or Australia in these comparisons, I would expect they trend in the same direction. Also, Melanesian-derived genes make up a large component (upwards of 20 percent) of the nuclear genome of Polynesians today. This is a large population of people with Denisovan genes, in other words.

    But why not China? Why not South Asia? These are extremely interesting questions. Were the Denisovans not present in China -- was there possibly yet another Pleistocene population there?

    Why not call them "Homo erectus"?

    Formally, we don't know whether the individuals represented by these genetic samples would have had the diagnostic features of Homo erectus. They don't live especially near the main samples of Homo erectus, and they lived long after the main samples of Homo erectus appear to have existed.

    But worse, as I indicated above, there are serious inconsistencies between the fossil record and the population model presented by Reich and colleagues.

    1. "Homo erectus", as usually understood, occurred widely in Asia, including China and Java, and Africa during the span from 1.95 million to 750,000 years ago. In China and Java, fossils attributed to Homo erectus persisted until 200,000 years ago. There is no unequivocal fossil of Homo erectus after 200,000 years ago (including some not-yet-published redating). I'm obviously glossing many complexities in that description, but trying to pose the species in the broadest possible geographic and temporal range.

    2. Green and colleagues [3] derived Neandertals from a common ancestor with living Africans only 250,000-400,000 years ago. A model including the Denisova data is provided in the current paper. It has wider confidence limits and reports the answers in generations. If we assume 20-year generations, the current paper puts the emergence of a Neandertal-Denisova clade at between 190,000 and 520,000 years ago, and the divergence of the Neandertal and Denisova branches around 50,000-100,000 years later.

    In other words, possibly sometime after the time of the last unequivocal H. erectus fossils, the Denisovan population was diverging from Neandertals. These events occurred more than a half million years after the Trinil individual -- type specimen of Homo erectus -- lived.

    3. Millions of living people have their ancestry in these Pleistocene populations. That tends to make their identification as different species somewhat problematic. Even if we could identify the Denisovan population with the fossil evidence of Homo erectus, maybe they don't merit that species-level distinction. Or maybe we should recognize two or more distinct populations within what we now call Homo erectus.

    And before you splitters out there get excited -- these would not be the same two populations (H. ergaster and H. erectus) currently promoted by some paleoanthropologists. That issue is way too early to be consequential in the current context.

    Some of these issues can be solved by altering the population model. For example, if we assume a slower mutation rate (consistent with comparisons between parents and offspring in living people), the estimated divergence times will be much higher, possibly consistent with a widespread population at the time of Zhoukoudian or Sangiran. It's not obvious that this would fully bring the genetics into accord with the fossil record, but it would eliminate many inconsistencies.

    What drives you crazy about this?

    Well, it's obviously very exciting, but I find it very difficult to talk about these Pleistocene populations without falling into bad habits.

    Our common ancestry as humans goes back to the Early and Middle Pleistocene. The (now multiple) Neandertal genomes and the Denisova genome share genes with some people and not others because of this common ancestry.

    In addition, some living people carry even more genes from Neandertals because they have an appreciable fraction of Neandertal ancestry. That makes it nonsensical to talk about "Neandertals and the ancestors of modern humans". Neandertals are among the ancestors of modern humans.

    Just so with Denisova. It's nonsensical to talk about a three-way split between Neandertals, Denisova and modern humans. We can talk about a population model with a clade separating an ancestral Neandertal-Denisova population from contemporary Africans.

    I have to remind myself again and again when I talk to people about these issues that "modern human ancestors" is not a group that excludes these Pleistocene people.

    Once we put ourselves into the mode where we are referring to a population model, it is important to recognize the limitations of those models. For example, we cannot presently exclude many kinds of gene flow among these Pleistocene populations. We can understand some limits to the level of gene flow -- these populations were highly structured, it wasn't Pleistocene panmixia. But it is premature to talk about isolation without recognizing the limits of our ability to test these population models.

    The difficulty with terminology tells us something very important. A large-scale reorganization of the science of human origins is upon us. The terms we are used to using will, many of them, become obsolete. Some now-obscure terms will become very important.

    We might think the new terms are likely to be technological -- but I think that the technology is changing too fast for that. Most people won't need to learn the ins and outs of a particular sequencing platform, because in two years it will be obsolete.

    No, much more important is our way of talking about the relations of biological and cultural evidence. What does an archaeological pattern mean, and how does it relate to biological connections between populations? How can we identify the genetic causes of skeletal and dental phenotypes? What is the importance of a morphological or phylogenetic species in the context of these clear signs of genetic intermixture?

    Many of these are old questions. They are about to get new answers, addressed in a new way using new evidence.


    References

    Synopsis: 
    A genome from the Altai is revealed as a representative of an ancient hominin population new to science.
  • Zhirendong puts the chin in China

    Wed, 2010-10-27 00:29 -- John Hawks

    A 100,000-year-old modern human from China? That's the claim made by Liu and colleagues [1], who report on a mandible and isolated teeth from Zhirendong, in South China. The remains lie under a thin flowstone with a uranium-series date of 106,000 years ago. The mandible was reported in the science press last fall; I wrote about it at the time.

    The most notable aspect of the mandible is its chin:

    The Zhiren Cave human remains, securely dated to at least 100 kya (early MIS 5), therefore represent the oldest evidence of derived modern human morphology in East Asia. The Zhiren 3 mandible in particular presents an anterior symphyseal morphology and orientation which aligns it with other early modern humans and distinct from all Middle and Late Pleistocene archaic humans. It is nonetheless a robust mandible, with a lingual symphyseal contour, symphyseal cross-section, and lateral corporeal breadth that distinguish it from most (but not all) Late Pleistocene early modern humans.

    The authors accept the morphology as evidence for an African influence on the population of China at this time. They focus on the hypothesis that substantial gene flow from Africa had begun before 100,000 years ago into the South Asian and ultimately East Asian populations, because they argue that the mandible combines a mixture of more robust or archaic morphology with the modern human chin.

    So, are they right?

    Underlying the paper is the assumption that a chin is the work of African genes. That assumption is questionable in the Late Pleistocene record.

    For one thing, few Africans as old as 100,000 years have a chin. The Klasies River Mouth sample, dating to over 90,000 years ago, includes several mandibles with the central portion preserved. These range in morphology from an extreme with no substantial symphyseal development to one with a quite prominent chin (probably exaggerated by alveolar resorption).

    In West Asia, the situation is simpler because all the specimens with chins are asserted to be modern humans. Where the same site (e.g., Tabun) has a mandible with a chin and one without, the chin is assumed to be a modern human.

    European Neandertals usually didn't have a chin. But a few of the latest Neandertals actually did have one -- like Vindija 206 and Saint-Césaire.

    In this paper, those Neandertal mandibles are included within the "Late Pleistocene archaic humans" sample. The presence of a few chinned Neandertals is enough to place the symphyseal profile of Zhiren 3 within the range of those European Neandertals. Zhiren 3 stands apart from the earlier, Middle Pleistocene, sample but not from the Neandertals in its symphyseal morphology.

    Is it then an archaic human? If we ask which sample the Zhiren 3 mandible is most like, it is closest to the mean of the African and Skhul-Qafzeh samples. If a chin is your definition of a modern human, this is one. The issue is with the definition and the assumption that these samples cannot overlap. They do overlap in their morphology.

    My opinion: Late Pleistocene populations shared developmental trajectories that differed by relatively few changes. The African and West Asian populations were closest to having chins as an expected outcome -- but Neandertals were not far removed from it, and evolved closer over time. The chin is not highly distinctive as a unique evolutionary outcome; it is a threshold that we notice at one point in a continuous range of variation.

    Until we know how genes build the mandible, we won't know how much gene flow is implied by this shared feature. Do some later Neandertals have a chin because of gene flow from other populations, because their face reduced in overall size relative to the vault, or both? Did Zhiren 3 have genes recently derived from Africa, or is it at one end of a range of variation with a long East Asian heritage?

    If we had many more specimens, we might not address these questions any more effectively. But we could compare other characters, either confirming the pattern or rejecting it.

    As it stands, the Late Pleistocene record in China is sparse. Dennis Etler provides a nice list of the Chinese fossils, the relevant time period is occupied by samples from Xujiayou, Ordos, and a few other sites with even fewer bone fragments. None of the remains are strongly diagnostic about their phylogenetic position. The Liujiang skull -- a modern human by any definition -- has a U-series date of 68,000 years ago, but some uncertainty about whether the specimen is really that old.

    With many bone fragments around China, I expect there is a good prospect for DNA recovery from somewhere. Zhirendong's combination of age and latitude may put it beyond the extreme limit for DNA preservation, but maybe we can hope.


    References

    1. Liu W, Jin C-Z, Zhang Y-Q, Cai Y-J, Xing S, Wu X-J, Cheng H, Edwards LR, Pan W-S, Qin D-G, et al. 2010. Human remains from Zhirendong, South China, and modern human emergence in East Asia. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences [Internet] 107:19201–19206. Available from: http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1014386107
    Synopsis: 
    A 100,000-year-old mandible from south China is claimed to be a modern human.
  • Lost in Arabia

    Thu, 2010-09-23 19:38 -- John Hawks

    The BBC is reporting on a talk by archaeologist Michael Petraglia, at the British Science Festival:

    But Dr Michael Petraglia, of Oxford University, and colleagues say stone artefacts found in the Arabian Peninsula and India point to an exodus starting about 70,000 to 80,000 years ago - and perhaps even earlier.

    ...

    "I believe that multiple populations came out of Africa in the period between 120,000 and 70,000 years ago," he said. "Our evidence is stone tools that we can date."

    Most of the tools are from far inland - hundreds of kilometres from the coasts. This means it was more likely humans migrated by land than in boats, he said.

    I think the Neandertal genome has pretty much killed the "southern route" theory that had modern humans beachcombing their way across the Bab-al-Mandab.

    Right now we're investigating the genetics, I'll hopefully be able to share some details soon.

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Neandertals

For years, I've worked on their bones. Now I'm working on their genes. Read more about the science studying these ancient people.

Denisova

From a finger bone of an ancient human came the record of a completely unexpected population. My lab is working on the science of the Denisova genome.

Acceleration

The advent of agriculture caused natural selection to speed up greatly in humans. We're uncovering some of the ways that populations have rapidly changed during the last 10,000 years.

Malapa

Just outside Johannesburg, the Malapa site is producing some of the most exciting finds in human evolution. This site is the headquarters of the Malapa Soft Tissue Project.