john hawks weblog

paleoanthropology, genetics and evolution

history of anthropology

  • Piltdown and Presapiens

    Mon, 2012-02-06 00:46 -- John Hawks

    Robin McKie has a feature article about the Piltdown hoax in the Observer today, that makes good reading for those who may not know the history of this case: "Piltdown Man: British archaeology's greatest hoax".

    The man [Dawson] had more form than Professor Moriarty. There would be no need to look any further, were it not for some nagging doubts – including one of Chris Stringer's. It's the cricket bat that gets him. "It was huge but apparently everyone missed it until the end of the dig. Until then everything had been carefully engineered: the skull fragments and artefacts, all made to look alike. And then the cricket bat turns up. It is bizarre and only makes sense if you conclude someone wanted to alert the authorities that fraud was going on, but did not want to do so publicly, perhaps to avoid bringing disgrace to the museum. So they planted something so ridiculous that everyone would surely realise it was a fake, a laugh. Unfortunately, everyone took it seriously."

    The Natural History Museum will start some new analyses hoping to match the chemical signatures in the bones to a box of dyes and chemicals later found in the possessions of Martin Hinton, an NHM scientist often suspected to have been involved in the hoax. Maybe they'll uncover other facts pertinent to the case.

    One of the interesting things I've noticed over the past decade is that Piltdown is passing into obscurity. I find it so fascinating, because Piltdown was the most celebrated "fossil" purported to prove that Neandertals had nothing to do with human ancestry. When it was found, Piltdown was argued to be Pliocene in age! Its very humanlike braincase from much earlier than the Neandertals made it seem that there were different types of humans coexisting throughout our evolution. Piltdown was not the first such specimen -- the Galley Hill skeleton had been found in 1888, some more fragmentary pieces even earlier. Over time, still more specimens were argued to represent a similar pattern -- very modern-looking skulls at very early dates. Anthropologists of the 1910's made a claim that we've often heard expressed as a "revolutionary" idea: human evolution was a bush, not a ladder, and Neandertals belonged to an extinct twig.

    We now appreciate that these "early" specimens simply weren't real evidence about the early evolution of modern humans. In the first half of the 20th century, no direct dating of specimens was possible. Site excavations often did not uncover slumping layers or intrusive burials of later skeletons into earlier archaeological horizons. Piltdown was the only outright hoax, but there were many errors of archaeological judgment that pointed in the same direction.

    That story obviously changed greatly over the years. The hoax was exposed in 1953, but its shadow would be much longer. In 1954, Henri Vallois presented the "Praesapiens theory", a set of ideas that had been coalescing in the writings of several continental anthropologists for a dozen years [1]. Vallois combined two ideas: Neandertals were too specialized to be ancestors to Aurignacian and later peoples, and these more "modern" forms did have antecedents much earlier in the fossil record of Europe. By that time, not only Piltdown but a long list of other supposed "Praesapiens" specimens had been debunked. Vallois admitted that only two were left: the Fontechevade remains and the Swanscombe skull. But after more than fifty years of commitment to a non-Neandertal human ancestor in Europe, these last scraps were enough for many anthropologists to keep the idea alive.

    It is fascinating to see how Vallois dealt with Piltdown in his account of the discredited Praesapiens specimens:

    The arguments that have risen round the Piltdown remains are too recent and too close to the feelings for there to be any reason to dwell on this very celebrated find. The researches initiated by Weiner, Oakley & Le Gros Clark have, it seems definitively, shown the lack of age of the human remains and their fraudulent introduction into the site, at the same time as they established, and still more categorically, that the mandible belonged to an ape. No good grounds would exist for returning to these facts if they had not been utilized by some anthropologists as an argument against the existence of Praesapiens. Now if, at the time of its discovery, the so-called Eoanthropus had been considered as a precocious representative of modern man, it would have been quickly rejected from the phylum of the latter by the reason of the aberrant features of its mandible. Almost all the genealogical trees placed it on a side branch without descendants. Well before the sensational disclosures referred to [citing papers debunking the hoax], the idea of Praesapiens had not for a long time relied on Piltdown man, whose exclusion from human fossils properly so called does not thus affect the essentials of the problem.

    I guess that's what they call "leading with your jaw." Vallois included a figure that illustrates the phylogenetic schemes of many previous scholars with respect to Piltdown's position:

    Vallois 1954, figure 4, showing position of Piltdown on human phylogenies

    Figure 4 from Vallois 1954. The original caption reads as follows: "Schematic representation of the genealogical trees of Homo sapiens and Homo neanderthalensis according to different authors: I Pilgrim (1915), II Elliot Smith (1924), III Keith (1927), IV Osborn (1927), V Hooton (1946), VI Kälin (1952). Sap = Homo sapiens, N = Homo neanderthalensis, P = Piltdown, S = Swanscombe, F = Fontéchevade. The broken line indicates the lower limit of the Pleistocene."

    By claiming that all these phylogenies placed Piltdown as an extinct side-branch, Vallois was deflecting the issue. It is conventional to depict a fossil on its own branch, for one can never ascertain certainly that a specimen has descendants. In these days before cladograms (which necessarily would give a specimen its own branch), authors used branch length as an indicator not only of closeness of relationship but also of their confidence in the assertion. At any rate, Vallois chose these to illustrate every possible position -- Piltdown as basal to humans together with Neandertals, Piltdown as modern human ancestor, Piltdown within the variation of humans, closer to some living races than others (as in Hooton's diagram). Vallois is correct that many anthropologists never accepted Piltdown as a modern human antecedent -- of course, many of those never believed that Piltdown was anything other than a scientific mistake. It is entirely understandable that the Praesapiens proponents wanted to bury Piltdown as quickly as possible. Piltdown did not, as Vallois wrote, affect the essentials of the problem. But the hoax worked precisely because so many anthropologists believed that a non-Neandertal human ancestor should exist.

    The idea of an African origin for modern humans bears a resemblance to the Praesapiens idea, and does share some of its intellectual history. Louis Leakey explicitly hypothesized an African Praesapiens form, and argued that the Kanam jaw and Kanjera fossil hominins represented it. But the later development of the Out of Africa model drew from another deep tradition that interpreted evolutionary transitions as a series of radiations from an evolutionary center. That's another story, one that begins from a very different legacy than the Piltdown idea.


    References

    1. Vallois HV. 1954. Neanderthals and presapiens. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 84:111–130.
    Synopsis: 
    The intellectual legacy of a hoax and its affect on our view of Neandertals as ancestors
  • Aleut origins and relationships

    Sun, 2012-01-15 22:59 -- John Hawks

    Michael Balter last week had a news article in Science reviewing archaeological and genetic research into the origins and relationships of Aleut populations [1]. The topic has a rich combination of historical and contemporary approaches.

    Recent genetic work confirms the distinction: Mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) from 69 of Hrdlička's skeletons showed that Neo-Aleuts, like most modern Aleuts, descend from a common ancestor that carried genetic markers known as haplogroup D, according to recent work by University of Utah geneticist Dennis O'Rourke. But most Paleo-Aleuts were members of haplogroup A, as are most groups now living in Arctic North America.

    Hrdlička argued that the Neo-Aleut populations came from the Alaskan mainland and replaced the Paleo-Aleuts. But Coltrain and others have found that the newcomers in fact coexisted with the original settlers. “The long-headed Paleo-Aleuts were still very much around” for several hundred more years, says anthropologist Richard Davis of Bryn Mawr College in Pennsylvania. About two-thirds of living Aleuts belong to haplogroup D and one-third to haplogroup A, according to work by Crawford and his co-workers, and they are presumed to be the result of admixture between Paleos and Neos. Crawford's research with modern Aleuts also suggests that they carry some Paleo-Aleut DNA, because their ancestors branched off from other Arctic peoples about 13,000 years ago—long before they colonized the islands, perhaps when they were still in Asia or Beringia.

    Such a great case, where today's scientists can draw upon Hrdlička's models of population history. Still, what I think we are seeing today is only halfway through a revolution in studying human population interactions. In this case, mtDNA haplogroup frequencies are fairly informative -- similar to the situation in the Neolithic of Europe. But as we move to whole-genome approaches, it will be possible to attain a much more refined understanding of the relationships and pattern of mixture between what look like distinct groups. Likewise, the distinction between long-headed and broad-headed populations radically oversimplifies what is possible from craniometric comparisons. The biggest limit on craniometrics and genetics is the availability of relevant comparative samples from other early Beringian and American populations. This situation is getting better for genetics, and anthropologists continue to find ways to expand our understanding of New World peopling. The Aleuts are not only an interesting group for their own distinctive history; their ancestry may give them a store of the variability that was present in Eastern Beringia before people moved further south into North America.

    The Aleutian islands are a microcosm of the human habitation of other, larger areas of the world. In my opinion, we aren't going to get the big areas right until we have approaches that work well in cases like this one.


    References

    1. Balter M. 2012. The Peopling of the Aleutians. Science 335:158 - 161.
    Synopsis: 
    A news article covers research into the history of Aleut populations.
  • Quote: Marshall Sahlins on relevance

    Mon, 2011-12-19 15:36 -- John Hawks

    Marshall Sahlins writing in the pamphlet, Waiting for Foucault, p. 18:

    Relevance

    I don't know about Britain, but in America many graduate students are totally uninterested in other times and places. They say we should study our own current problems, all other ethnography being impossible anyhow, as it is just our "construction of the other."

    So if they get their way, and this becomes the principle of anthropological research, fifty years hence no-one will pay the slightest attention to the work they're doing now. Maybe they're onto something.

  • When anthropological and geological facts collide

    Mon, 2011-11-28 01:56 -- John Hawks

    This passage is the first paragraph of the introduction to Franz Weidenreich's monograph, The Skull of Sinanthropus pekinensis [1].

    In my earlier contributions to the study of Early Man I pointed out repeatedly the danger of confusing anthropological facts with geological facts. In determining the character of a given fossil form and its special place in the line of human evolution, only its morphological features should be made the basis of decision; neither the location of the site where it was recovered nor the geological nature of the layer in which it was imbedded [sic] are important. Discrepancies cannot be smoothed out by bringing morphological facts and opposing geological data into closer harmony with artful interpretations or by touching-up reconstructions. It is a generally accepted conception that Man has developed in the course of time by gradual transformation from an ape-like type to the type he presents today. Viewed from this fundamental standpoint, it is logical to assume that the more a form resembles the supposed ancestor the more ancient it will be, or that the more ancient it is the more "primitive" it should be.

    I am concerned with this passage today because of a re-emerging mismatch of evidence from the morphology of Middle Pleistocene humans and the genetics of Neandertals. Some paleoanthropologists have asserted that Europeans of the Middle Pleistocene were the exclusive ancestors of Neandertals. I have in the past written that Middle Pleistocene Europeans were among the ancestors of Neandertals, with sustained gene flow from other populations including Africa [2]. The Sima de los Huesos people, maybe 600,000 years old, resembled the (much) later Neandertals in several aspects of their anatomy, as did other Middle Pleistocene Europeans.

    The genetic differences between living people and the ancient Neandertal genomes appear consistent with the emergence of distinct African and Neandertal populations only within the last 400,000 years or less [3], [4].

    Such a recent date seems a poor match for the morphological evidence of Neandertal ancestry in Europe. I can think of several ways to make these morphological and genetic comparisons concordant with each other, all of which balance some shift in one body of inference against the other. As long as we can't pin down the human mutation rate within a factor of two ("What is the human mutation rate?"), there's a lot of room to make different population models consistent with the genetic data.

    This is, in today's language, Weidenreich's point. Morphological data must be interpreted in accordance with evolutionary principles, and if it doesn't fit a temporal scheme, it doesn't fit. Likewise, genetic similarities must be explained in their own evolutionary framework. These two sources of evidence must in the end be consistent with a single history. We will find that consistency not by shoehorning the evidence together, but by interpreting each with the strongest possible skepticism concerning assumptions and models.

    Weidenreich's introduction illustrates two cases. The simpler, from our point of view today, was Piltdown. Many establishment anthropologists, particularly in Britain, had maintained that Piltdown was a morphologically advanced ancestor of modern humans, which had lived early in the geological record of human evolution. Weidenreich had been an early and prominent critic of this idea, because he was convinced that the specimen simply did not fit together with its supposed geological context.

    I cannot believe, even making very liberal allowances for these uncertainties, that such incongruity between morphology and chronology as is found in the case of Piltdown can be completely brought into accord. The only hope of solution in this case would lie in assuming that the human bones were not contemporaneous with the layer in whih they were found but were deposited there later. Otherwise, modern man must be much more ancient than we ever imagined, or else Western European man did not pass through evolutionary stages as did the hymans of other regions of the earth.

    We now know, of course, that Weidenreich was entirely correct. The apparent geological facts were false, and the "advanced" characters of the specimen were simple reflections of the fact that the skull is a modern human skull.

    The other problem Weidenreich discussed in some detail was the phylogenetic position of the Steinheim skull. Like Piltdown, this specimen had been placed in a Presapiens context by other workers. Steinheim lacks most of the derived characteristics of later Neandertal specimens. Weidenreich, along with many of his contemporaries, accepted its lack of Neandertal features as evidence for affinity with modern humans. In Weidenreich's view, this similarity with modern humans was "anachronistic". Even so, the case did not challenge an evolutionary interpretation, only the assumption that features could evolve from "primitive" to "modern" along a single line. If we admit that Neandertal features were not in all cases "primitive", even if they may resemble superficially the characteristics of some apes, we can accommodate specimens like Steinheim within a population model where both moderns and Neandertals may have derived (and in some cases, secondarily derived) characters that appeared afterward.

    This scenario requires us to straighten out the analysis of the characters themselves, a process for which larger fossil samples are essential. It was to that end that Weidenreich supposed the Sinanthropus sample to be of such great utility. The subtext of the introduction was to illuminate the kinds of evolutionary problems that could be further illuminated by a full description of fossil variation. Finding variation in fossil humans did not repudiate the concept that modern humans had evolved in stages from primitive ancestors, but helps to clarify cases where the evolution has not been a simple linear progression. In many cases, features that are superficially "primitive" may actually have been secondarily derived in recent humans compared to earlier hominins.

    Along similar lines, I ran across this old post: "Dobzhansky on Weidenreich's species concept", in which Dobzhansky predicts:

    Some modern populations may carry genes that were present in the Neanderthaloids, and other moderns may not carry such genes.


    References

    Synopsis: 
    Weidenreich's introduction to the Sinanthropus cranial monograph illuminates some issues I'm facing with ancient genomes.
  • White on books

    Tue, 2011-10-18 08:37 -- John Hawks

    The Browser has up an interview with paleoanthropologist Tim White, focused around his choice of five books to recommend: ("Tim White on prehistoric man"). A snippet of the interview:

    Why do you think it is so important to find out about prehistoric men and women? How can it help us?

    Well, simply to contextualise our place in nature. This is something that is of universal interest. Every culture studied by anthropologists has its own mythology of how people came about. These range from Australian aboriginal accounts to people in the Arctic, to people in the Middle East. The differences among these different myths are very great, of course, because they are all just myth. If we really want to find out where we came from, there is only one way that we can do that, and that is through the science of palaeontology. And so that is why we go out and try to get the evidence and pull that evidence together to understand what truly happened in our history and prehistory.

    He didn't recommend Human Osteology. I hope he'll consider writing a trade book someday, as it would be very interesting to see him unpack his perspective on the fossil record in a single narrative.

    (via Jerry Coyne)

  • Florida: Anthropologists not wanted

    Tue, 2011-10-11 21:26 -- John Hawks

    Last week I linked to my essay, "What's wrong with anthropology?" My theme was that anthropology has been a failure over the past two decades at engaging with policymakers and the public, and that the field can only look forward to decline unless we take immediate action to improve this situation.

    Well...today the governor of Florida, Rick Scott, gave a convincing proof of my thesis on a radio program:

    We don’t need a lot more anthropologists in the state. It’s a great degree if people want to get it, but we don’t need them here. I want to spend our dollars giving people science, technology, engineering, and math degrees. That’s what our kids need to focus all their time and attention on, those types of degrees, so when they get out of school, they can get a job.

    And in the Herald-Tribune:

    “I got accused of not liking anthropologists the other day,” Scott said. “But just think about it, how many more jobs do think there are for anthropologists in the state?

    “Do you want to use your tax dollars to educate more people who can’t get jobs in anthropology? I don’t. I want to make sure that we spend our dollars where people can get jobs when they get out.”

    Daniel Lende has a roundup of stories and responses by anthropologists. It's very difficult to come up with a rapid and effective reply from an organization or department, so I understand these aren't as punchy as they might be. Still, it seems to me a vastly more effective response would describe the economic impact of anthropologists in Florida, the dollar amounts of federal and private grants they bring to Florida universities, their role as custodians of natural and cultural history, and their history of engagement with indigenous and immigrant peoples in the state.

    Oh, and the major associations could mention that the state will not be considered for national meetings. The AAA meeting in particular drives millions of dollars of direct and indirect revenue to its host city.

    Florida anthropologists have a great opportunity moving forward to get attention for their work in public engagement. The attention of the press will never be directed as closely to the value of anthropology within the state.

    UPDATE (2011-10-12): According to the AP and Tampa Bay Online, Governor Scott's daughter took a degree in anthropology. Let me just say, that reinforces the message. We can't even communicate the importance of our field to the parents of our students!

  • What's wrong with anthropology?

    Wed, 2011-10-05 23:31 -- John Hawks

    Anthropologies is an online project organized by Ryan Anderson that brings together voices reflecting the state of the discipline today. The current volume has the theme, "Anthropology with purpose". My essay has riled a lot of people already: "What's wrong with anthropology?"

    Academic anthropology in America is complacent, at a time when budgets are falling, academic departments are being closed, and a larger and larger number of people have become skeptical of the value of science. It's time for an intervention.

    We must change not only for practical reasons but for moral reasons as well. Anthropological research depends on the cooperation, interest and goodwill of many communities, both today and in the past. People do not donate their cooperation lightly. Wherever anthropologists do their work, they are lucky to have the help of these communities of people. Whether biological, archaeological, or cultural, our research relies on unique resources that in many cases cannot be duplicated. We bring these things to light, for the broader appreciation and education of the rest of humanity.

    Having our work read by twenty people is an not acceptable communication strategy. Failure to share results broadly betrays the cooperation of the communities who enable our research.

    I argue for three strategies:

    1. Embrace new forms: use technology to change the way we publish our work.

    2. Defend good science, acknowledging anthropology's unique place.

    3. Empower our students: leverage the incredible value of fieldwork by requiring translational work from the beginning.

    A section from this last:

    Making our students more competitive for non-academic careers does not mean turning our back on what we already do well. Our students learn how to think in ways that other students don't. Fieldwork gives our students tremendous advantages that most industry professionals can only look on with envy.

    We should reinforce those essential experiences and make them greater opportunities for engagement. Why are anthropology students going into the field without contracts to write weekly or monthly about their work? Why do our professional associations do not support themselves by becoming clearinghouses for ongoing field reports? Where are the workshops and press kits that will enable our young researchers to build ties to media and communities outside their institutions?

    I've served up some real red meat in this one, and I've been so heartened to see the growing comment stream. A sample:

    I did an honors thesis on applying an empirical methodology to an ethnographically documented phenomenon that won a university-wide social science prize. I was the kind of promising student which anthropology as a field should be trying to retain – someone with ideas, creativity, and able to produce original research early. While an undergrad, I had every intention of continuing on in anthropology. However, after graduating and sitting down to figure out where to apply to graduate school, I discovered that getting a degree in cognitive anthropology would be a pretty horrible life plan if I wanted to have a career based on my graduate training ... From what is now an outsider perspective, the AAA ditching science in its mission statement suggests to me that I made the right decision. Anthropology has already lost intellectual territory to other disciplines, seemingly without a fight.

    Some great names have already chimed in, and I hope that many more will take the opportunity to join the conversation.

    Synopsis: 
    I link to my essay in Anthropologies, which calls for greater engagement by anthropologists.
  • The great world CT-scanning tour

    Fri, 2011-09-16 22:24 -- John Hawks

    The international version of Der Spiegel is running an English-language profile of the traveling CT-scan project from Jean-Jacques Hublin and the Max-Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology: "German Scientists Bring Fossils into the Computer Age"

    To show just what the future holds for his field, Hublin crossed the back courtyard of the anatomy institute in Tel Aviv. There, next to the dumpsters, stands a 20-foot (6-meter) container that the Israeli technicians like to smoke behind. The box's exterior gives no hint that it holds a laboratory on prehistoric man unlike any other one in the world.

    This is a topic that should be followed closely by anyone interested in paleoanthropology's future. The article seems to imply that the data are being made freely available, but of course they are not. I am confident that, in the future, all data like these will be openly available, as they are now made routinely available in other fields of science. But for the time being, our field is one of the exceptions - and the closed nature of the data is a serious impediment given the great challenges we face educating the public about human evolution.

    The Spiegel article sets up the politics as a confrontation between Hublin and museum curators:

    Until now, Hublin says, it was usual to handle fossils from the dawn of mankind "like relics or national treasures." Under these circumstances, curators assumed the role of keepers of the Grail.

    In this way, curators were holding on the reins of scientific power. After all, it is vital for researchers to have access to the fossils. "Whoever is denied (this access) will never get anywhere," Hublin says.

    A New Era for Research

    Indeed, Hublin believes having a virtual fossil archive could herald the end of this system. He sees his work as boosting accessibility to the objects and says curators "are afraid of losing control."

    In my experience, the article's frame is overly simplistic. Scans aren't open unless the people who have them make them open. Believe me, if there were a lot of open scans out there, I'd be posting visualizations here on the weblog. Obviously people use funding and position to compete for prestige and control, and their strategies depend on the resources under their charge. When curators or institutions give permission to scan, it becomes a contractual matter. A foreign researcher coming to scan may demand a period of exclusivity, an institution might demand some meaningful local involvement in the research. The ultimate disposition of the data may be of little importance to either party relative to their more immediate needs. I am familiar with cases where scan data were never returned to the institution, despite promises of access, and other cases where institutions have refused to allow scanning because they objected to a long exclusivity period for the scanning team.

    Fossil remains of our ancestors and relatives are national treasures — indeed, even more broadly, they are pieces of world heritage. We have the technology today to bring those extraordinary objects to everyone in the world. So I think its a great shame that the politics of science continues to obscure our fossil record.

    Synopsis: 
    Der Spiegel profiles the Max-Planck CT-scanning trek to Israel, raising the politics of data access.
  • A Lucy remembrance

    Sat, 2011-09-10 13:12 -- John Hawks

    The CNN medical blog (associated with Sanjay Gupta) is running a short piece by Don Johanson, which may be of interest: "'Lucy' discoverer: Why I study human evolution".

    My deep commitment to understand the origins of humankind was ignited when I read Thomas Henry Huxley’s 1863 book "Man’s Place in Nature." The core idea that gripped my teenage mind was the suggestion that humans and African apes shared a common ancestor that roamed Africa millions of years ago.

    I think if you're a teenager reading Huxley, you're already in the right tail of the distribution for "human evolution interest"!

  • Photo: Abbe Breuil

    Fri, 2011-08-26 19:31 -- John Hawks
    abbe-henri-breuil-osborn-1911-fig-204

    L'Abbé Henri Breuil is pictured, center with the cane. This photo is from Men of the Old Stone Age, by Henry Fairfield Osborn, publication date 1915. L'Abbé Breuil, known as the first archaeological expert of Paleolithic art, was one of a number of scientists who hosted Osborn on a tour of southern France and Cantabria. The book draws heavily on Osborn's exposure to the record in this area.

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Neandertals

For years, I've worked on their bones. Now I'm working on their genes. Read more about the science studying these ancient people.

Denisova

From a finger bone of an ancient human came the record of a completely unexpected population. My lab is working on the science of the Denisova genome.

Acceleration

The advent of agriculture caused natural selection to speed up greatly in humans. We're uncovering some of the ways that populations have rapidly changed during the last 10,000 years.

Malapa

Just outside Johannesburg, the Malapa site is producing some of the most exciting finds in human evolution. This site is the headquarters of the Malapa Soft Tissue Project.