john hawks weblog

paleoanthropology, genetics and evolution

ecology

  • Alfred Crosby interviewed

    Sun, 2011-10-30 18:13 -- John Hawks

    Last week I linked to an article about the dispersal of the potato ("How the Potato Changed the World"). Smithsonian also has an interview with Alfred Crosby, the historian who coined the term, "Columbian Exchange": "

    When you wrote The Columbian Exchange, this was a new idea—telling history from an ecological perspective. Why hadn’t this approach been taken before?

    Sometimes the more obvious a thing is the more difficult it is to see it. I am 80 years old, and for the first 40 or 50 years of my life, the Columbian Exchange simply didn’t figure into history courses even at the finest universities. We were thinking politically and ideologically, but very rarely were historians thinking ecologically, biologically.

    To me, this was the most interesting part:

    I had a great deal of trouble getting it published. Now, the ideas are not particularly startling anymore, but they were at the time. Publisher after publisher read it, and it didn’t make a significant impression. Finally, I said, “the hell with this.” I gave it up. And a little publisher in New England wrote me and asked me if I would let them have a try at it, which I did. It came out in 1972, and it has been in print ever since. It has really caused a stir.

    To me, Crosby's work marks a trend in which anthropology and archaeology were damaged by changing academic fashion. In Kroeber's time, quantitative study of the material things and their appearance in history was a central part of cultural anthropology and archaeology. Cases like the origin of the fire drill and the spread of the potato were the essential subject matter of a debate between diffusionist and evolutionist theories of culture change. Such cases mattered to anthropologists. By the 1960's, they mattered not so much.

    Historical economists and historians took up the subject. Today we are much more likely to see a "history of everyday things" written by a historian, and a popular work of "ecological history" is rather more likely than a popular work in ethnobotany.

  • Invasive argument

    Wed, 2010-08-11 10:07 -- John Hawks

    I've been reading a lot about invasive species lately, for reasons which will soon become apparent.

    This morning, Ronald Bailey of Reason magazine has an essay about biological invasions: "Invasion of the invasive species!" Bailey notes that invasive species often increase local biodiversity. He then wonders why this is a bad thing?

    The fear among opponents of "invasive species" is the aggressive outsiders will cause a holocaust among the native plants. That might initially seem reasonable because there are a few species, like kudzu, purple loosestrife, and water hyacinth, that grow with alarming speed wherever they show up. But that doesn't mean other species are in danger. “There is no evidence that even a single long term resident species has been driven to extinction, or even extirpated within a single U.S. state, because of competition from an introduced plant species,” Macalester College biologist Mark Davis notes [PDF]. Yet this spurious threat of extinction persists as one of the chief reasons given for trying to prevent the introduction of exotic species.

    Here's why it's a bad thing: Exponential growth. It starts small, but once it gets going it's very expensive or impossible to slow or stop. Gypsy moths. Emerald ash borers. Fire ants.

    Bailey correctly notes that the effects on birds are much more noticeable than those on plants, but doesn't observe that this is because the population sizes of plants are vastly larger than birds. It's harder to make a plant extinct. With less than a couple hundred years separating us from the initial introduction of most invasive species, it's too early to assess the extinction rate of indigenous species. And it's disingenuous to say that we haven't documented an extinction, when we're spending millions of dollars to prevent them! Plus, he's dead wrong when it comes to islands, where reductions in native flora have rapid impacts on native animal populations.

    For Bailey, it comes down to aesthetics -- people like their nature pure and unadulterated by species from the wrong part of the world:

    Fair enough. But this is not a scientific argument. Sax and New Mexico University biologist James Brown correctly observe that whether the impacts of introduced species “are considered to be positive or negative, good or bad is a subjective value judgment rather than an objective scientific finding. Scientists are no more uniquely qualified to make such ethical decisions than lay people.”

    But his essay isn't about introduced species, it's about invasive species. We can't easily predict which introduced animals will become the next fire ants or zebra mussels. Who would have predicted that lionfish would become a huge problem in the Caribbean? It doesn't take an ethicist to figure out that it's hard to keep something manageable when you can't predict its growth rate!

    Sure, some people like the Everglades better with all those pythons. A few yokels was all it took to put them there.

  • Mailbag: Pitcher potties

    Thu, 2010-03-18 22:33 -- John Hawks

    Re: Another side of pitcher plants:

    The next question seems to be whether that "sweet substance that the tree shews lap up while sitting astride the pitchers" contains an ingredient that induces immediate activity at the other end of the tree shrew.

    This might be useful to the tree shrews, too. Any waste materials that are sequestered in the pitcher plant are, presumably, not available to predators as information that there is a tasty tree shrew in the neighborhood. There could be more than one element of symbiosis driving this.

    Very good question. Your suggestion does provide a possible avenue for a benefit to the tree shrews, which otherwise is tricky. If the pitcher plant did something to mask the smell, that would enhance that hypothesis.

  • The utility of theoretical models

    Tue, 2008-10-21 16:33 -- John Hawks

    I'm reading through Peter Turchin's 1998 book, Quantitative Analysis of Movement, for a project I'm working on. I found that his second chapter gives a very nice introduction to the reasons why biology depends on formal mathematical models. This is a topic I often review in my courses, so I'll quote some of his discussion.

    He lists six objectives for model-building on pp. 33-35, each with some explanatory text. This amounts to a paragraph or so for each reason; I'm only giving one or two sentences of each, with much omitted.

    Formal statement of the problem ...The necessity of stating the assumptions of the model is another benefit. A mathematical description of a problem forces one to be very clear about what the different variables and parameters in the model are, and how they are interrelated.

    Identifying knowledge gaps ...It may turn out that good quantitative data are available to estimate some functions and parameters but not others, immediately suggesting a focus for the empirical program. When there are many gaps, one has to decide which parameters need to be estimated precisely, and for which parameters ``guesstimates'' will do....

    Gaining theoretical insights There is a large class of models that are never intended to be directly confronted with data.... The purpose of such models is to gain insights into possible causal interconnections between various factors and, in general, extend our intuition...

    Quantitative tests of theory ...A qualitative prediction allows one to test the theory that generated it, but it does not provide a very strong test. Because there are only a few possible outcomes in a qualitative situation (e.g., factor X will either increase, stay the same, or decrease), the probability that the ``correct'' outcome will happen by chance is correspondingly high. A quantitative prediction, on the other hand, can be a much stronger test of the theory, because it will not only say that X will increase, but how much...

    Interpreting the data Sometimes an investigator is motivated not by a desire to test general theory, but by the necessity of measuring some specific quantity [that would be impossible to measure directly]...

    Forecasting and prediction ...Forecasting is weaker than prediction, and uses the knowledge of the past behavior of the system to forecast its future state. Forecasting does not necessarily require an in-depth understanding of the system's dynamics, and can be done at the phenomenological level. However, forecasting will most likely fail if the system's dynamics change. I use prediction in its strongest sense: that is, to predict a situation that was not encountered in the past. For example, it may be necessary to generate predictions about how a system's behavior will change as a result of a certain human intervention. Prediction, in general, requires a mechanistic understanding of the system....

    I especially appreciate the point about quantitative tests --- one that has eluded many paleontologists who are content with categorical statements that are essentially untestable, because they only assert that something should happen ``regularly'' or ``more often'' than something else.

    Also, the final point, about forecasting and prediction, is valuable -- although perhaps idiosyncratic, as I have not seen that distinction made elsewhere. Still, it applies far beyond theoretical biology and into historical science generally. If we consider our state of knowledge about climate change in response to human activity, clearly this is an example where the distinction between forecasting and prediction is relevant. We can have confidence in a prediction only if it entails a suitable understanding of the mechanisms of change in the system, whereas forecasting is accurate only to the extent that we can depend on a uniformitarian assumption -- that the conditions observed in the past followed the same mechanistic relations that will be relevant to the future.

    I tend to lecture about genetic models, for which there is a great value in simplicity (point 3), but which may require quite complicated extensions to handle reasonable biological populations (point 2). In that connection, some reasonable people go to extremes of interpretation -- sometimes claiming that the data necessitate some assumption on the basis of a very simplified model, and in other cases claiming that no model can apply to the complex history of the population. It is our task (my task) to determine which factors are important and conceivably affect results, and which will always be too weak to influence the interpretation of the data (point 1). And the end will often be to discover evidence for values in past human populations for which we have no direct means of estimating aside from genetic variation (point 5).

    References:

    Turchin P. 1998. Quantitative analysis of movement. Sinauer Associates, Sunderland MA.

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