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paleoanthropology, genetics and evolution

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behavior

  • Testosterone, fatherhood,

    Fri, 2011-12-16 00:23 -- John Hawks

    Daniel Lende has done a nice interview with Northwestern University anthropologist Lee Gettler ("On Testosterone and Real Men: An Interview with Lee Gettler"). Gettler is a Ph.D. candidate in human biology and author of a recent paper that demonstrated a decline in testosterone levels in new fathers [1]. This paper got a lot of press attention and was a big topic of conversation at the recent AAA meetings. Lende takes the conversation deep into the science, and probes the relation of human biology to behavior.

    All of human behavior is mitigated physiologically- i.e. through the actions of neuronal pathways and neurotransmitters- so there’s really no way of divorcing biology and behavior, which are in constant “flux” and “conversation” with one another. One challenge for anthropologists and other scholars studying these domains is trying in some coherent way to disentangle “the chicken” and “the egg” in the transactional relationship between biology and behavior.

    I like the formulation, "All of human behavior is mitigated physiologically." See also my old post: "Allostasis in human evolution".


    References

    1. Gettler LT, McDade TW, Feranil AB, and Kuzawa CW. 2011. Longitudinal evidence that fatherhood decreases testosterone in human males. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America 108:16194-9.
  • Magical psychology

    Sat, 2011-10-15 01:24 -- John Hawks

    I enjoyed this article by Mo Costandi: "Sleights of hand, sleights of mind".

    "In principle, neuroscience and magic have little in common," says Susana Martinez-Conde, director of the Visual Neuroscience Laboratory at the Barrow Neurological Institute in Phoenix, Arizona. "In fact, they are hugely complementary and magicians have a lot to offer us. They can manipulate the attention and consciousness of spectators so much better than we do in the lab." A few years ago, Martinez-Conde and her husband Stephen Macknik decided to investigate exactly how magicians fool the brain so adeptly. In doing so, they founded the exciting new discipline they refer to as 'neuromagic,' which aims to "pop the hood on your brain as you are suckered in by sleights of hand."

  • Primate extractive foraging and tool use

    Tue, 2011-09-20 17:08 -- John Hawks
    Synopsis: 
    Many kinds of primates make and use tools, or find other ways to defeat the natural defenses of their foods.

    An important difference among some primate species is their ability to get foods that are hidden or protected by natural defenses. A little cleverness may yield foods that are inaccessible to other animals.

    For example, gorillas eat a high proportion of leaves and stems of terrestrial plants, especially in mountainous habitat where fruits are scarce. These herbaceous plant parts often have defenses such as stinging hairs or thorns. Such defenses are meant to deter animals like gorillas from eating the plants, and they are effective — it hurts to eat plants that sting! But gorillas can make use of these plants by following special methods to neutralize the defenses. One kind of sting-covered nettle leaves is commonly eaten by mountain gorillas, which carefully roll stacks of leaves in a way that encapsulates the stings inside a single leaf where they do not hurt so much to chew [1].

    Some primates make and use tools for extractive foraging, including chimpanzees, bonobos, orangutans and capuchin monkeys. A tool can be any kind of natural object that is altered by an individual and used for a purpose. Capuchins use and alter sticks to probe holes for insects [2]. Some groups of capuchins have developed a way of cracking nuts by using large stones [3]. Capuchins are small monkeys, so it is quite impressive to see one lift a stone bigger than his head, then toss it down forcefully to break open a nut. Other capuchins gather around to watch and pick up the shattered fragments of nutmeats. Younger capuchins seem to choose to watch the most skilled nutcrackers, which gives them a basis for learning through this social event [4].

    Chimpanzees use both simple and complex tools. The most celebrated chimpanzee tool is the termite stick. This is simply a stick or leaf stem that has been stripped by the chimpanzee, forming a long probe. This is inserted into termite or ant nests where the insects crawl onto the stick. Then, the chimpanzee pulls the stick out and licks off the termites [5].

    A more elaborate version of this behavior, probing into holes for a hidden resource, can be used to obtain honey. Honey is an important resource for chimpanzees in many parts of their range, and is produced both by bees that live in trees or hollow logs, and by bees who live in burrows underground. Finding the entrance to an underground hive is a simple matter of watching where the bees go. But the brood and honey chambers of these burrows may be a meter or more underground, and removed some distance from the entrance. Chimpanzees must dig quite a long tunnel in some cases to get the honey, and for this they use several different wooden tools to probe, soften and break up the ground, and dig [6].

    Chimpanzees also crack nuts across some parts of their habitat, and this is one of their most complex tool-using behaviors [7]. Different groups use different techniques for cracking nuts. Generally, a chimpanzee puts a nut on a large stone or log. Then, the chimpanzee uses a hammerstone or log to strike the nut. This may take several blows, and the effectiveness depends on the orientation of both the nut and hammer. Chimpanzees return to favored stone platforms or tree roots over many years, so that this technological element is a persistent feature of chimpanzee societies. Archaeologists have studied this behavior to try to see what traces may remain from using stone in this way, and have even found evidence of chimpanzee nutcracking from thousands of years ago [8]. Some chimpanzees do not crack nuts at all, even those who have nuts in their environment. For example, the chimpanzees at Loango, Gabon, do not crack nuts but use complex sets of tools to probe underground bee hives for honey [9].

    Chimpanzees and other apes use tools for purposes other than foraging. For example, some chimpanzees clip a leaf with their lips or teeth as a signal to other individuals---perhaps an invitation to groom or to play. Leaves and leaf stems are used extensively for wiping the body and probing teeth. Leaves are also used to soak up water and squeeze it into the mouth, like a sponge. These and other simple uses of natural objects vary among populations of chimpanzees extensively. Tool use therefore suggests that chimpanzees are interacting with some aspects of the material world in part through their mental adaptations for social behavior, as they absorb behavioral and technological knowledge from other individuals.

    Other hominoids use tools less extensively than chimpanzees but show similar abilities to perform complex tasks. Like chimpanzees, orangutans can be trained to use many kinds of human tools, even extending to complex tasks. But their natural use of tools is very limited, perhaps linked to the relative lack of extractive foraging opportunities in their arboreal existence [10]. Likewise, bonobos use leaves in some ways similar to chimpanzees, but extractive foraging is not common [11]. Experiments in naturalistic settings show that chimpanzees tend to use their existing cultural knowledge to solve new problems. For example, chimpanzee groups where sticks are a common solution to problems tend to use sticks to probe for novel foods, while those who use more leaves in other contexts will more likely probe with fingers than with sticks [12]. The familiarity with tool use may help develop new tool-using behaviors, even if the cognitive potential for tool use is widely shared among primates that don't use them.


    References

    1. Citekey Byrne:1993 not found
    2. Phillips PC. 1998. The Language of Gene Interaction. Genetics 149:1167–1171.
    3. Anderson JR. 1990. Use of objects as hammers to open nuts by capuchin monkeys (Cebus apella). Folia primatologica; international journal of primatology 54:138-45.
    4. Ottoni EB, de Resende BD, and Izar P. 2005. Watching the best nutcrackers: what capuchin monkeys (Cebus apella) know about others' tool-using skills. Animal cognition 8:215-9.
    5. Goodall J. 1986. The Chimpanzees of Gombe: Patterns of Behavior. Cambridge, MA.
    6. Sanz CM, and Morgan DB. 2009. Flexible and Persistent Tool-using Strategies in Honey-gathering by Wild Chimpanzees. International Journal of Primatology 30:411 - 427.
    7. Boesch C, Marchesi P, Marchesi N, Fruth B, and Joulian édéric. 1994. Is nut cracking in wild chimpanzees a cultural behaviour?. Journal of Human Evolution 26:325 - 338.
    8. Citekey Mercader:2002 not found
    9. Boesch C, Head J, and Robbins MM. 2009. Complex tool sets for honey extraction among chimpanzees in Loango National Park, Gabon. Journal of human evolution 56:560-9.
    10. van Schaik CP, Ancrenaz M, Borgen G, Galdikas B, Knott CD, Singleton I, Suzuki A, Utami SS, and Merrill M. 2003. Orangutan cultures and the evolution of material culture. Science (New York, N.Y.) 299:102-5.
    11. Hohmann G, and Fruth B. 2003. Culture in Bonobos? Between‐Species and Within‐Species Variation in Behavior. Current Anthropology 44:563 - 571.
    12. Gruber T, Muller MN, Strimling P, Wrangham R, and Zuberbühler K. 2009. Wild chimpanzees rely on cultural knowledge to solve an experimental honey acquisition task. Current biology : CB 19:1806-10.
  • Shellfish gathering, paleoanthropological strawman

    Sun, 2011-09-18 15:26 -- John Hawks

    We have known for many years that Lower Paleolithic people were using shellfish, fish, and littoral resources at sites across the Old World, from Trinil [1], Koobi Fora [2], Gesher Benot Ya'aqov [3], and elsewhere. I've discussed the evidence several times (maybe most usefully in "The shells of Trinil"). As I wrote last year ("Fishy story at Koobi Fora"):

    Aquatic animals aren't important because of their sheer numbers, but because they tell us about the flexibility of foraging behavior. Living hunter-gatherers eat turtles and reptiles when they can, and because they are usually small food packages, they often eat them where they find them instead of returning to a base camp first. Hunter-gatherers are flexible in what they eat and where they eat it. FwJj20 is showing at least a substantial taxonomic flexibility in the meat-eating of early Oldowan hunters.

    So why do we keep seeing stories that make shellfish consumption look like news when it's done by Neandertals, MSA Africans, or anybody else?

    I'm writing about this today because of a new paper in PLoS ONE by Miguel Cortés-Sánchez and colleagues, reporting on the shellfish remains in Bajondillo Cave, Spain [4].

    Shellfish collecting has been well characterized in some Mousterian contexts. Mary Stiner treated it systematically in her 1993 monograph, Honor Among Thieves, which is part of the graduate education of most young Paleolithic archaeologists. Stiner spent a lot of text quantifying shellfish use and gave a good discussion of the biases that make archaeologists find less evidence of shellfish consumption than there probably was.

    Most important, when you can walk along a shoreline and nosh shells, you're not very likely to haul many of them back to a cave several kilometers from the shore. In the Holocene, we find lots of archaeological localities where people were systematically collecting many shells and cooking them for large groups. For this purpose, the people carried baskets or sacks of shellfish for a good distance, and after they were consumed, the shells sometimes built up into large trash piles, or middens. We don't see shell middens in Mousterian or MSA contexts, but then we see very little of that kind of behavior with any kind of resources in MSA or Mousterian times. Here's what I wrote in 2008 ("Neandertal diet was not dolphin safe"):

    [I]t was hard to understand the excitement that accompanied last year's paper by Curtis Marean and colleagues (2007), who found evidence for shellfish exploitation at Pinnacle Point, South Africa. The press reported the result as if there were a shell midden, with abundant evidence for consumption. But actually the number of shells is fairly small -- all the shells from all the layers reported weigh less than a kilogram. That looks similar to the pattern of exploitation that Stiner had reported for the Neandertals at Moscarini, and more or less like the pattern at Vanguard and Gorham's Caves.

    The African MSA-era site with the most direct evidence of shellfish exploitation is at Abdur, Eritrea, where the stone tools are found in an ancient shore terrace, presumably at the very place where shellfish exploitation was happening [5]. That paper hinted at even earlier sites with similar evidence from Acheulean contexts along the Red Sea rift, where subsidence of the rift floor has left some ancient coral reefs exposed, Acheulean tools embedded within them. I should also point out indirect evidence on the basis of species abundance for human exploitation of giant clams in the Red Sea ("The ancient struggle for existence between humans and giant clams").

    In other words, archaeologists have found quite a lot of evidence of coastal resource use by early people, despite the steep biases against it. In the case of aquatic animal exploitation, they've got it as early as the Oldowan, 1.95 million years ago [2].

    Cortés-Sánchez and colleagues [4] add detail to this record but don't really broaden the picture. Mousterian shellfish acquisition around 150,000 years ago, well before the last interglacial, is earlier than many well-known instances of MSA shellfish utilization. But we know that much earlier humans were using these coastal resources, so it's hardly news. As at other sites, the mollusc remains are not very dense: a minimum of 16 shells in one layer, 66 shells in another, 80 in a third. If I were going to make a story out of it, I would direct more attention to the pearl, first I've ever heard of in a Neandertal site.

    More important is the paper's demonstration that humans actually processed the shells. Cortés-Sánchez and colleagues contrast the condition of continental and marine molluscs in the same levels, to show the systematic breakage and burning of the marine species:

    [A]lmost all of the marine mollusks exhibit intensive mechanical fracturing, with sharp edges on their shells suggestive of an absence of post-depositional transport, and very few appear complete (i.e., barely 7% at Bj19). Such fracturing, coupled with the absence of shells eroded by water, indicates that the marine mollusks from Bajondillo Cave, and in particular those from Bj19 do not represent “background fauna” from the nearby beach, a phenomenon that has recurrently caused problems in the association of early Middle Paleolithic shellfish deposits from the Mediterranean with paleo-human activities. In addition, a substantial percentage of the mussels exhibit burning marks (Figure 4: 1–6). These are recorded on 48% of the adult specimens from Bj19, the young mussels never exhibiting such traces. Thermo-alterations suggest consumption rather than passive burning, given that in most cases only the outer portions of the shells appear carbonized and/or flaked. An indirect line of evidence supporting this same hypothesis is provided by five of the epibiont barnacle remains that fire not only detached from the mussel shells but that in that process were thoroughly carbonized, as is the case of the four specimens from Bj18 (Figure 4: 8,11) or else calcined, as happens with the specimen from Bj19 (Figure 4: 12).

    I appreciate the paper's list of 24 previously-published Neandertal sites that present mollusc remains. It would be useful to compile a broader list including MSA sites. Personally, I hope to never read again a headline about how surprising or significant was shellfish use by early humans.


    References

    Synopsis: 
    Why do archaeologists always make shellfish gathering sound like news, when we know it's not surprising?
  • Mailbag: Could autism genes be adaptive?

    Wed, 2011-08-17 22:53 -- John Hawks
    I have always wondered if autism could be an adaptive mutation. However, since I myself have autism, and specifically one of the more fortunate types of autism. I've figured it would make me a monumental bleep to take such a notion seriously. But when I saw your article, I figured why not go out on a limb and run this fleck of curiosity by an expert. So could it be?

    P.S. Love your Faq #6! An induction schema that compliments the contributer once, but insults him an unlimited number of times. LOL. Unfortunately, I highly doubt those types of people would get the irony.

    Thanks!

    It's hard to say without knowing many of the genes that increase the probability of being on the spectrum. If you read in genetics now about the "hidden heritability", this is one of the cases -- we know that the trait has a strong genetic influence, but in large samples we don't find strong evidence for any single gene.

    It's likely that the heritability is explained by many different genes, each of which is rare in the population. That pattern would make it less likely that the genes that influence autism are adaptive -- many (but not all) adaptive traits are cases where a relatively small number of common genes influence the trait. But we won't really know until we have a better account of the genes involved.

  • Brain scans and gene scans

    Sat, 2011-04-02 08:20 -- John Hawks

    Wray Herbert notes the fallacy of interpreting fMRI and other brain imagery as especially meaningful: "The Brain Is Not an Explanation". I'm pointing to this because of the similarities between brain scanning in neuroscience and genotyping in genetics. The result certainly looks objective, but what is actually there?

    The problem is that the final product—the brain image—looks like a photograph, and that’s how most readers take it, as a simple snapshot of the brain in action. That’s in part because the simplicity of the message is appealing: Complicated behavior X lights up brain area Y. But such reductionism, Beck argues, lacks any explanatory power. Consider the chocoholic example again: Leaving aside the fact that chocoholic is not a recognized diagnosis, what does this study actually show? It shows that people who define themselves as chocolate cravers have more activity, relative to people who do not define themselves as chocolate cravers, is certain pleasures centers of the brain. That is, the sight and taste of chocolate activated the brain’s reward system in cravers, documenting . . . what? Well, documenting that some people find chocolate more rewarding than others. As Beck notes, we probably don’t need a brain scan to corroborate what most people probably already believe anyway.

    A study would be powerful if it gave a way of predicting phenotypes or behaviors from the scans (or the genotypes). But finding a correlate of a behavior doesn't make it more real than it already is. Remember that we can already predict many phenotypes from family history much more accurately than we can from genotypes. As Galton discovered, the additive genetic component of variance exists even if we know nothing about the mechanisms of transmission.

    But then, if the modality didn't matter, we wouldn't need to bother with chocolate at all. We could just stimulate the pleasure center directly.

  • Field primatology

    Sun, 2010-10-10 08:30 -- John Hawks

    Noah Snyder-Mackler's continuing series in the NY Times' "Scientist at Work" blog has been providing a journal of his fieldwork on gelada baboons.

    I'll link to his current entry, which is about male mating competition, but the whole series would be worthwhile for students wanting a picture of primate field biology.

  • Mental mismatches

    Thu, 2010-09-23 08:30 -- John Hawks

    A Primate of Modern Aspect ("The sexuality wars, featuring apes") writes about some of the reactions to the new book, Sex at Dawn: The Prehistoric Origins of Modern Sexuality. As the subtitle suggests, the book is an account of human sexuality from the viewpoint of evolutionary psychology, written by Christopher Ryan and Cacilda Jethá. Ryan blogs at Sex at Dawn, I'm a frequent reader.

    Anyway, I loved this point about comparative studies:

    [F]or some reason, the only time primate sexuality gets any attention is when we turn it into a debate about how humans should be having sex.

    We never say, “Hey, those muriquis are too promiscuous. Don’t they know that all of their close evolutionary cousins are polygynous? If they just did what came naturally to them, they’d have a lot less psychological stress.” Or, “Those gibbons are so sexually repressed. If they just gave in to their natural predilection for promiscuity, I bet those nasty gibbons would have fewer territorial disputes and gibbon society would be much more peaceful.”

    Why worry about the "echoes" of psychic distress that may linger after the mating system changes? That's a very interesting point; there are unexplored assumptions here about the nature of adaptation and the structure of genetic causation of mental states. Clearly if major aspects of human social life change, we cannot expect people's minds to be perfectly optimized to the new regime. But what is the force of selection? What are the mental "rough spots" that differential fertility will ultimately iron out? How much "mismatch" between mental and social adaptations can persist?

    Primates may not be the best non-human model for such questions. Some domesticates have undergone social changes as great as humans, with strong selection against individuals who buck their human masters. But for many wild primates we may reasonably wonder, to what extent are social dynamics constrained by mental adaptations, and how quickly can mental lives shift under selection to fit a new social system?

  • Bitwise consciousness

    Mon, 2010-09-20 19:51 -- John Hawks

    Carl Zimmer writes about theories of consciousness in today's Science NY Times, and describes the work of my Wisconsin colleague, Giulio Tononi.

    But Dr. Tononi’s theory is, potentially, very different. He and his colleagues are translating the poetry of our conscious experiences into the precise language of mathematics. To do so, they are adapting information theory, a branch of science originally applied to computers and telecommunications. If Dr. Tononi is right, he and his colleagues may be able to build a “consciousness meter” that doctors can use to measure consciousness as easily as they measure blood pressure and body temperature. Perhaps then his anesthesiologist will become interested.

    That's fortuitous because I'm lecturing about information theory tomorrow in my "Biology of Mind" course. The article goes on about how to measure consciousness using information theory terms. I'm not sure it's a practical theory of conscious experience, yet, but I think the information theory concepts are fundamentally important to understanding the adaptive evolution of brains on a more basic level.

    I'm always impressed reading back through Darwin, who a hundred years before information theory began to consider what we might describe as transmission properties of animal communication.

    As far as Tononi's ideas -- there is a logic here that is very appealing. Information is about encoding and transmission. Cryptography, for example, requires that we study the transmission properties of a channel to try to understand the encoding. That is, in a sense, what Tononi is proposing. Where most people have considered only the encoding properties, he proposes understanding the transmission properties.

  • Hauser update

    Thu, 2010-08-19 10:17 -- John Hawks

    The Chronicle of Higher Education reports on an "internal document" from the Marc Hauser investigation: "Document Sheds Light on Investigation at Harvard". The Chronicle story begins by detailing how discrepancies in coding monkey behavioral responses first came to light, but stops short of giving fuller insight into the investigation. This extract conveys some of the breadth of what was uncovered:

    They then reviewed Mr. Hauser's coding and, according to the research assistant's statement, discovered that what he had written down bore little relation to what they had actually observed on the videotapes. He would, for instance, mark that a monkey had turned its head when the monkey didn't so much as flinch. It wasn't simply a case of differing interpretations, they believed: His data were just completely wrong.

    As word of the problem with the experiment spread, several other lab members revealed they had had similar run-ins with Mr. Hauser, the former research assistant says. This wasn't the first time something like this had happened. There was, several researchers in the lab believed, a pattern in which Mr. Hauser reported false data and then insisted that it be used.

    The article also extracts an e-mail from Hauser to his graduate students at the time of the incident. It's not shocking in its tone -- certainly no more than many of those leaked climate e-mails -- but it does show the kind of pressure he was imposing upon the graduate students working on his experiments.

    (via Greg Laden)

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Neandertals

For years, I've worked on their bones. Now I'm working on their genes. Read more about the science studying these ancient people.

Denisova

From a finger bone of an ancient human came the record of a completely unexpected population. My lab is working on the science of the Denisova genome.

Acceleration

The advent of agriculture caused natural selection to speed up greatly in humans. We're uncovering some of the ways that populations have rapidly changed during the last 10,000 years.

Malapa

Just outside Johannesburg, the Malapa site is producing some of the most exciting finds in human evolution. This site is the headquarters of the Malapa Soft Tissue Project.