john hawks weblog

paleoanthropology, genetics and evolution

Pleistocene

  • Rewilding Siberia

    Tue, 2010-12-07 07:30 -- John Hawks

    The Associated Press ran an article last week about Sergey Zimov and his attempts to "rewild" a small corner of Siberia:

    Of his first herd [of Yakutian horses], Zimov said 15 were killed by wolves and bears, 12 died from eating wild hemlock that grows in the park, and two slipped through the perimeter and made their way back some 1,000 kilometers (600 miles) to their original pastures.

    It's tough to manage these animals without acting as if they were domesticated. He's talking about bringing in bison from North America, of course most of these are extensively managed. It would probably be more realistic to pursue an economic model where the "megafauna" paid for its own management. Maybe that would get in the way of tigers and bears, though.

  • Genyornis in Australian rock art?

    Thu, 2010-06-03 08:30 -- John Hawks

    Lots of cave paintings in Europe depict animals now extinct. Australian researchers have recently identified a rock painting as a depiction of the extinct thunder duck Genyornis:

    Scientists say an Aboriginal rock art depiction of an extinct giant bird could be Australia's oldest painting.

    The red ochre painting, which depicts two emu-like birds with their necks outstretched, could date back to the earliest days of settlement on the continent.

    ...

    Archaeologist Ben Gunn said the giant birds became extinct more than 40,000 years ago.

    OK, it's not strictly a duck, it's a stem anseriform. It could be the oldest painting anywhere.

  • Climate reconstruction and human evolution, 1

    Wed, 2009-12-16 23:04 -- John Hawks

    I have from time to time written short pieces here about climate fluctuations and their effect on human evolution. This topic was a major theme in the recent Nova miniseries on human origins.

    Some scientists think that human intelligence is an adaptation to rapid climate changes, and that brain size increased during the Pleistocene as a direct result of climate fluctuations. I write, "scientists," because this really is a motley interdisciplinary crew -- archaeologists, geologists, psychologists and some paleoanthropologists in the mix.

    Some others think that humans mainly suffered through climate by means of a few major events, global catastrophes like the Toba eruption. By decimating human populations, these big catastrophes caused all kinds of accidental changes to our biology. Why just today, you can read a story riffing on a Curtis Marean lecture, making it into this: "How shellfish saved the human race." Just one of many speculations about how climate brought humans to near-extinction in the last couple hundred thousand years.

    These two kinds of thinking about paleoclimate and human evolution are not mutually exclusive, and many people kind of lump them together. Both kinds of arguments depend on models linking fitness, plasticity, and paleoclimate. They also depend on the amplitude of ancient climate change episodes and the relation between this amplitude and the geographic variation in climate known to have been tolerated by ancient humans. Genetic modeling and paleoclimate modeling, working together.

    That's the way that testable science ought to work. But so far, proponents of these ideas have proposed only verbal arguments without any modeling or math at all. Without the numbers, I don't see any reason to believe that climate specifically affected the evolution of human behavior. Is it bunk? I'd like to know at least if any of it is falsifiable.

    I'm going to review some literature in both areas during the next few weeks. I'm reasonably familiar with the literature on selection and plasticity, and it gives me a lot of skepticism about the prospects of explaining human intelligence as a function of climate variability. But I'm less familiar with the paleoclimate literature. Maybe hypotheses about climate forcing in human evolution are untestable -- but to arrive at this conclusion both the genetic and paleoclimate aspects need a realistic assessment.

    Submillennial-scale variability

    How can we start to understand the role of climate variability on Pleistocene human evolution? I'm going to begin with the topic of submillennial-scale climate fluctuations. The global climate fluctuates from year to year, from decade to decade, across centuries, and on much longer scales -- up to the 100,000-year duration of Pleistocene glacial episodes.

    The longest climate cycles are relatively simple -- the paleoanthropological record is just good enough that we might be able to find associations between skeletal evolution, archaeological presence and the major glacials. These very large-scale temporal effects are not my immediate interest, but they will be worth considering very closely. Did the earliest habitation of Europe depend on climatic goodwill? To what extent were humans driven south out of Northern Europe by the last glaciation? What effects did periodic isolation from the Asian mainland have on Pleistocene Javan populations? Those are questions that implicate the largest-scale climate cycles, and I think they may be to a great extent answerable.

    They are not, however, the kind of effects argued to have induced a consistent selection pressure on intelligence. Nor do they suggest a global bottleneck due to climate instability.

    A sustained selection pressure would require climate instability on a shorter timescale -- measured in maybe tens of human generations or less, not thousands. This scale is submillennial at most, and possibly decadal.

    The reconstruction of paleoclimate on these shorter timescales has become feasible during the last ten to fifteen years. For the last few millennia, tree ring records provide evidence about climate variation -- sometimes at annual intervals, sometimes time-averaged over five or ten year spans. Lake sediments sometimes preserve a record of climate variability, in the thickness or composition of layers laid down over time. Sea floor sediments also can inform about ancient climate, principally because windblown (or waterborne) sediments reflect continental aridity. Ice cores from glaciers and ice sheets also provide a record for reconstruction atmospheric temperatures and precipitation over some regions -- and in the exceptional cases of the Greenland and Antarctic ice sheets, climate reconstruction may be possible back to as far as 800,000 years ago.

    But these records are not direct indicators of ancient temperature or precipitation; they are proxies. Each of them is localized in a particular place with its own unique regional deviations from the global mean. During the Pleistocene, the places were people lived were pretty far away from most of the available proxy records. There are exceptions, like the Nile delta sapropels and African lake sediments, which I'll discuss in some detail. But for the most part, our question is whether proxy records can test hypotheses about regional climate variability in the regions occupied by humans.

    The same question arises in the context of recent climate change. We have several proxy records for temperature and precipitation during the last 1000 years, and we want to accurately reconstruct global mean temperature means and variability. The question was broached in a 2009 editorial essay by Hughes and Ammann, as follows:

    The last millennium paleoclimate reconstruction (PR) challenge Given the suite of uncertainties and limitations connected to proxy and short instrumental data, it is very difficult to derive a reconstruction method that is capable of explicitly dealing with all issues, and thus some compromises must, inevitably, be made. At the same time, many existing methods might be reasonably well suited to study particular aspects of past variability and change (Ammann and Wahl 2007). However, we do not have a solid quantitative understanding of the strengths and weaknesses of each method. When different methods are applied to the same time period and spatial domain, how different are their results and inherent uncertainties, and to what is each method particularly sensitive? Differences could result from limitations in the included proxy climate records’ ability to record climate across different time scales; the sampling distribution (network); or possibly the method itself or its underlying assumptions. To assess the influence of all these uncertainties, the last millennium paleoclimate reconstruction (PR) challenge is being developed to offer an experimental test bed for systematically gauging the ability of the various methods to recover the true underlying climate. The climate data are drawn from output of fully coupled climate system models that provide geophysically realistic spatiotemporal variations across various climate fields. Thus the target of reconstructions will be fully known. ... The key question, ultimately, is to find out how well the suite of reconstruction methods, if applied to a realistic set of pseudo-proxy data, are able to reproduce the underlying climate, not knowing the actual target climate (achieved in a double-blind approach) (Hughes and Ammann 2008:256-257).

    In other words, even considering the last 1000 years with its abundance of proxy data, the climate models are not yet capable of replicating regional variability or time-series variance of temperature records with high fidelity. I'll add (from elsewhere in the editorial) that the general question of the magnitude and duration of external forcing of climate (say, fluctuations in solar output) are also not well integrated.

    The last 1000 years (and more broadly, the Holocene) has sometimes been described as relatively stable compared to the higher-amplitude climate fluctuations of the Late Pleistocene. In that light, the prospects seem poor that we could accurately assess the regional effects of Pleistocene climate instability, using many fewer proxies than are available for the last 1000 years.

    But for particular times and places, the situation may be better. Also, the general concept of global climate instability may itself allow us to work with genetic models, if we only knew the likely amplitude and periodicity of changes. So I'll be reading further into the climate variation of the last 1000 years and how it may have been different in the Pleistocene.

    Meanwhile, the Hughes and Ammann editorial is interesting in several sections, as the authors discuss possible methods for increasing the fidelity of climate models as applied to paleoclimate data. I was following up on the literature citing one of these methods when I found the essay. On this, I'll just add that the statistical methods for dealing with time series of temperature proxies are tricky. Some methods may raise the prediction value of a proxy in different regions, while decreasing the appearance of yearly or decadal-scale variation in the global mean. So one must be careful about the choice of statistics when assessing paleoclimate variability.

    References:

    Hughes MK, Ammann CM. 2009. The future of the past -- an earth system framework for high resolution paleoclimatology: editorial essay. Climatic Change 94:247-259. doi:10.1007/s10584-009-9588-0

  • The Younger Dryas impact fizzle?

    Tue, 2009-10-13 00:40 -- John Hawks

    In 2007, R. B. Firestone and colleagues published evidence of an extraterrestrial impact, roughly coincident with the onset of the cold climate event known as the Younger Dryas. This event, around 12,900 years ago, is around about the time of some (but not all) megafaunal extinctions in North America, it is also around the time (but not precisely) of the Clovis culture. The paper argued that the impact event may have "contributed to end-Pleistocene megafaunal extinctions and adaptive shifts among PaleoAmericans in North America".

    Last year, I reported on widespread dissatisfaction with this impact hypothesis. Some critics didn't think that there was any evidence of megafaunal trauma from the impact, some didn't think that the dates matched any "adaptive shifts", and in particular the end of the Clovis culture.

    And then others didn't think that there had been an impact at all. These were in some ways the most worrisome, because they directly questioned the supposed evidence in support of an extraterrestrial event -- "microspherules" of magnetic material, clustered in sedimentary contexts at precisely 12,900 years ago in sites across much of North America.

    Now, in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (where Firestone and colleagues originally published their observations), Todd Surovell and colleagues have published a remarkable paper that tests the Firestone impact hypothesis: "An independent evaluation of the Younger Dryas extraterrestrial impact hypothesis." Most critiques attempt to find an alternative explanation for a set of original observations. In this paper, Surovell and colleagues merely attempt to replicate the original observations at multiple sites, and fail -- as their abstract tersely states,

    We were unable to reproduce any results of the Firestone et al. study and find no support for Younger Dryas extraterrestrial impact.

    Just like that -- it's about as hard-hitting as you're going to see in a scientific research paper.

    Of course, this paper only examined one out of a number of observations that Firestone and colleagues had adduced in support of the impact hypothesis. But in the introduction to their paper, Surovell and colleagues reference several other recent studies that re-examined other aspects of the evidence:

    A series of critiques of the original Firestone et al. article (1) have been published recently (8-10). Pinter and Ishman (8) argue that the suite of markers used to indicate impact are inconsistent with "any single impactor or any known event." Furthermore, they provide alternative explanations for many of the observed marker peaks. For example, glassy and metallic microspherules are known components of atmospheric dust derived from the constant influx of micrometeorites. An independent evaluation of the charcoal evidence was recently published by Marlon et al. (9). Examining concentrations of charcoal from 35 pollen cores across North America, they found no evidence for large-scale, continent-wide wildfires specifically associated with the onset of the [Younger Dryas].

    In the current case, the results are very simple: they went looking for a spike in the number of impact-generated particles coincident with the Younger Dryas. They looked at seven sites with long and continuous records of sedimentation across that interval. They found the supposed impact-generated particles, but not patterned with any kind of spike.

    They suggest a different model for the presence and accumulation of the magnetic particles:

    Alternatively, it may be that the presence, absence, and relative abundance of magnetic materials, especially the spherules, is due to characteristics of the parent material and depositional environment instead of some sort of continent-wide extraterrestrial process. The characteristics of the local depositional setting before, during, and after 12.9 ka have not been addressed by the proponents of the impact hypothesis. The zones producing the YDB ‘‘impact markers’’ are typically associated with soils (stable surfaces) or shifts in the depositional environment (e.g., alluvial to lacustrine conditions at Blackwater Draw, Lubbock Lake, Murray Springs, and Lake Hind; buried soils in the Carolina Bays and at Lommel, Belgium).

    One might imagine atmospheric particles accumulating on stable paleosols over long stretches of time, generating a local spike in the number of such particles in the stratigraphic column. In any event, the data presented here don't bear out the hypothesis of any unusually large impact event.

    I'm not a geologist, and I have no special insight into the analyses here, beyond reading the charts. But remember that the impact hypothesis made a tremendous media splash. Maybe more damaging to the scientific side of things, the hypothesis that the Younger Dryas cold period came from an extraterrestrial force, made it seem for a moment less necessary to investigate terrestrial sources of cooling at the terminal Pleistocene. The science will correct itself, but the public perception of the climate changes at the end of the Ice Ages will need quite a bit more nursing to get a more realistic perspective on the story.

    References:

    Firestone RB and lots of others. 2007. Evidence for an extraterrestrial impact 12,900 years ago that contributed to the megafaunal extinctions and the Younger Dryas cooling. Proc Nat Acad Sci USA, 104:16016-16021. doi:10.1073/pnas.0706977104

    Kerr RA. 2008. Experts find no evidence for a mammoth-killer impact. Science 319:1331-1332. doi:10.1126/science.319.5868.1331

    Surovell TA, Holliday VT, Gingerich JAM, Ketron C, Haynes CV, Jr, Hilman I, Wagner DP, Johnson E, Claeys P. 2009. An independent evaluation of the Younger Dryas extraterrestrial impact hypothesis. Proc Nat Acad Sci USA (early) doi:10.1073/pnas.0907857106

  • Did an ice age boost human brain size?

    Thu, 2009-07-30 20:48 -- John Hawks

    What is going on? I mean, the heat this summer seems to have gotten to people's heads. Except, it hasn't been that hot. Heck, nothing could be hot enough for this:

    Did an ice age boost human brain size?

    About a decade ago, biologists David Schwartzman and George Middendorf of Howard University in Washington DC hypothesised that our modern brain could not have evolved until the Quaternary ice age started, about 2.5 million years ago.

    And how did that work out for them? Well, we can do a quick Google Scholar check. Sure, it doesn't have to be cited to be true. I don't have anything against bioastronomy as a source for paleoanthropologists. Why should I? There are lots of smart bioastronomers. They've thought long and deeply about human brain evolution, I'm sure of it. Er...

    The two periods of pronounced Phanerozoic cooling, the PermoCarboniferous and late Cenozoic, corresponded to the emergence of mammal-like reptiles and hominids respectively, with a variety of explanations offered for the apparent link. The origin of highly encephalized whales, dolphins and porpoises occurred with the drop in ocean temperatures 25-30 mya.

    Of course it would help if the paper were actually about the Pliocene/Pleistocene boundary, instead of the whole Phanerozoic!

    Sweet mother of Madge. Thank goodness it can't get any worse. Er...d'oh!

    A new study by Schwartzman and Middendorf suggests that a small drop in global temperatures may have made a big difference. The pair used basic equations of heat loss to estimate how fast the small-brained Homo habilis would have been able to cool off. Assuming overheating limited the size of H. habilis's brain, they then calculated what drop in air temperature would have been needed for Homo erectus to be able to support its bigger brain (see diagram). They found that a drop in air temperature of just 1.5 °C would have done the trick (Climatic Change, vol 95, p 439).

    I think this paper may single-handedly destroy the credibility of Climatic Change. I mean, gee, it's not like people today live with mean temperatures that differ by 1.5 degrees. Wow, those tropical brains must be smokin'.

    Well, I guess there's always a bright side:

    Greenhouse brains

    If global cooling allowed humans to evolve their big brains, will today's global warming take them away again? "I'd hate to think that a difference of 1.5 °C might mean the end of humans because our brains cook," says George Middendorf of Howard University in Washington DC, "but I guess it's a scenario that might play out."

    OH NOES! Me brain, she be sizzlin' away like a hot ball o' buttah. WHAAAAAAH! hot Hot HOT HOT!

  • The Pleistocene "land grab"

    Wed, 2009-06-03 15:39 -- John Hawks

    Holy stratigraphy, Batman!

    The International Commission on Stratigraphy (ICS) has elected to formally define the base of the Quaternary at 2.6 million years before present, and also to lower the base of the Pleistocene — an epoch that encompasses the most recent glaciations — from its historical position at 1.8 million years to 2.6 million years ago. The decision, finalized on 21 May, will now be passed to the executive committee of the International Union of Geological Sciences (IUGS) for ratification, which is expected in the next month or two.

    The vote shifts an 800,000-year slice, formerly part of the Pliocene epoch, into the Pleistocene. "It's kind of a land grab," says Philip Gibbard, a geologist at the University of Cambridge, UK, who has fought for the redefinition since 2001. "But we see it as just putting straight a mistake that was made 25–30 years ago."

    The linked article in Nature, by Amanda Mascarelli, likens the change to the astronomers' redefinition of Pluto. I'd say!

    The geologists don't like the existing Pliocene-Pleistocene boundary because there's no major extinction or faunal turnover then. Many don't like "Quaternary" at all, having largely done away with the associated "Primary" and "Secondary". But Quaternary remains useful as a way to lump Pleistocene and Holocene. So, they've decided to redefine based on the initiation of the recent ice age cycles. That makes geological sense, but means that people have to relearn a bunch of stuff.

    What impact will it have on paleoanthropology? Well, I suppose for one thing, we don't have to talk about "Plio-Pleistocene" anymore. That term was most common as applied to sites and specimens between 2.5 and 1.4 million years ago. Sometimes people used it in the broader sense of all australopithecines and early Homo, but since we've had Miocene hominids for the last ten years, I think we can toss it out. Since the earliest credible specimens of our genus are around 2.5 million years old, Homo will henceforth entirely a Pleistocene phenomenon.

    In fact, in terms of hominid evolution, 2.6 million years ago is a convenient place for the Pliocene-Pleistocene boundary. It's certainly easier than shifting to use hominin instead of hominid. The question is whether the geologists will allow the Early Pleistocene to span all the way from 2.6 to 0.8 million years ago, or whether they'll come up with some other terminology. Because it will be an enormous pain if we have to change the labels everywhere that refer to "Middle Pleistocene".

    References:

    Mascarelli AL. 2009. Quaternary geologists win timescale vote. Nature 459:624. doi:10.1038/459624a

  • Cultural impedance, demographic growth, effective population size

    Wed, 2009-01-07 01:09 -- John Hawks

    This is a complicated story with many interlocking parts. Telling the whole story may well take me fifty posts. There's a lot of new science hiding in here waiting to get out.

    I'm starting now because of the new paper by Luke Premo and Jean-Jacques Hublin, titled "Culture, population structure, and low genetic diversity in Pleistocene hominins." This paper is not the final word on its topic, nor is it the first word. But it is very much worth reading.

    It makes an excellent point of departure to explain what we know and don't know about the genetics of prehistoric humans. Premo and Hublin propose an interesting model with interaction between culture and natural selection, as an explanation for a 35-year-old problem in human evolution: Our low level of genetic variation.

    Their model may be right. I certainly think there's a kernel of truth in it, shared with a number of other models, as I'll describe below. And it's testable -- a project to which we'll be returning in the next few months.

    Explaining a small effective size

    Humans today have relatively low genetic diversity compared to other hominoids. Chimpanzees, gorillas, and orangutans each harbor more genetic variation than humans worldwide.

    This observation is strange because under a simple genetic model, the amount of genetic diversity in a population should be proportional to the number of individuals. Since there are many more humans in the world than gorillas, chimpanzees, or orangutans, it seems like we ought to have more genetic diversity. But we don't. Strange.

    Or maybe not so strange. Many assumptions are floating under that "under a simple genetic model." My work, and the work of many other geneticists, has been focused on uncovering and examining these hidden assumptions.

    Genetic variation is only indirectly related to demography. Essentially, a population will be genetically diverse because many different alleles survive across generations. This genetic survival is less likely when there are few individuals. It is also less likely when most individuals are close relatives -- that is, when they are inbred. Natural selection can cause inbreeding. Certain kinds of mating behavior can cause inbreeding also.

    One simple explanation for low genetic diversity is simply that there aren't very many individuals. Few individuals means few chances for an allele to reproduce itself in the population. Rare alleles will therefore be rapidly lost in a small population. But of course, we know that there are a lot of people in the world. That explanation doesn't work.

    Bottlenecks

    The first people to point out that humans were short of genetic variation were John Maynard Smith and John Haigh, in 1974. They looked at the allelic variation of the beta globin gene and determined that it was consistent with a population of only 10,000 individuals. Since there are more than 10,000 people now, they needed some other explanation.

    They proposed a historical scenario, in which humans had been limited to very small numbers in prehistoric times. This scenario is a population bottleneck: a restriction for an unknown and unspecified length of time, followed by a recent expansion to the human population's present large size.

    The bottleneck scenario was revived again and again during the next 20 years. When human mtDNA -- like beta globin -- was found to have relatively low diversity, a bottleneck was the preferred explanation. Since diversity was highest in Africa, many authors proposed that Africa had been the location of this bottleneck population. And so, the Out of Africa hypothesis gained its genetic force.

    Meanwhile, in the last fifteen years, a number of people have set about finding other explanations for human genetic variation. A bottleneck can explain some observations well, but seems inconsistent with others. One of these inconvenient observations -- as Premo and Hublin point out -- is that Pleistocene human groups had low genetic variation, just like humans. We know this now because of the Neandertal genome work -- not only Neandertals, but also our common ancestor with Neandertals had low genetic variation. This coincidence of three hominid populations, two of which no longer exist, can't be the product of a single out-of-Africa bottleneck.

    So either we need three distinct bottlenecks, or we need something else. That, among other observations (such as the continuity of features in regions of the Old World outside of Africa), causes us to consider mechanisms that can reduce genetic variation without a bottleneck.

    Population structure, inbreeding, and diversity

    The fastest way to induce inbreeding is the same way that animal breeders do it: take one big horde, divide it up into little herds, and force each individual to mate only within her tiny group. After many generations, each of these little herds will be inbred. Each tiny herd will retain only a very small subset of the big horde's alleles. The genetic diversity of each tiny herd will be low.

    Here's a problem: We still have a bunch of these little herds. Sure, each one of them has low genetic diversity. But if we look at all of them, they probably still collectively retain most of the alleles that had been in the big horde. The variation in the total population will be great, even as the variation in the average subpopulation has been reduced. The imbalance between these values -- the total variation and the average subpopulation variation -- is measured by Wright's FST: a ratio measuring the reduction in diversity due to inbreeding.

    If one of these little herds expanded and wiped out all the others, it would be just like a population bottleneck. The original genetic variation of the horde would be gone, and only the variation of one single herd would remain. That's the Out of Africa hypothesis.

    The frequent extinction and recolonization model

    Consider the population of E. coli in your gut. There are billions of individuals, but all are descendants of a relatively small number of clones -- maybe only a handful. These clones migrated into your body from other people or animals, which each harbor their own population of billions. The global population of E. coli contains untold numbers of individuals -- upward of 1020.

    E. coli cannot really maintain so much variation. When you die, a few individuals of your E. coli population might make it into the gut of a lion or bear. But most of them are hosed. Your gut population will become extinct. Maybe a few lucky individuals will escape your body during your life and colonize a new host -- maybe your child, or the neighbor's dog. The mechanism that retains variation is not the billions of individuals in your gut, but instead the few that move into and out of your gut.

    Maruyama and Kimura realized that this mode of subpopulation extinctions might vastly reduce genetic variation. Takahata (1994) examined this as a mechanism for human genetic variation. The logic is that Pleistocene humans lived in small bands, and each small band of hunter-gatherers had a substantial risk of extinction. If these truly died and were replaced by new colonists from neighboring bands, then the genetic variation might be very small, even though the human population was spread across the Old World.

    Together with Elise Eller and John Relethford, I examined this model in a 2004 paper. We looked at the relation of different parameters in the model, and whether realistic values for hunter-gatherers would have a substantial effect on human genetic variation.

    If we want to reduce genetic variation with this model, then two things have to be true. First, groups need to be quite genetically different from each other. That is, they need to be inbred. And second, they really need to go extinct and be replaced.

    Recent hunter-gatherers tend not to simply die when times are tough. They may disappear from an area, but some numbers of them survive to move into other populations. And there are high levels of intermarriage among hunter-gatherer bands, and between hunter-gatherers and their neighbors. The values that are realistic for living hunter-gatherers will reduce genetic variation by a substantial amount -- perhaps by half. But not by a huge amount. We concluded that values in the Pleistocene may have been more extreme than in the present day, depending on the culture of prehistoric foragers.

    Notice the two factors important to the model. The groups need to be inbred. That means that some force must impede gene flow between them. And the groups need to be replaced with some regularity. That means that some mechanism must cause groups to die.

    The diffusion wave model

    Vinayak Eswaran (2002) proposed that the low genetic diversity of humans could be explained by selection. In his explanation, a coadapted gene complex arose within ancient Africans and dispersed through the Old World population within the last 100,000 years. It is economical to suppose that this coadapted gene complex generated some anatomical or behavioral trait of modern humans. Hence, a dispersal of an anatomy or behavior would lead to genetic dispersal.

    Yet, in this model local genes of populations outside of Africa would survive into the present day. The spread of the key phenotype in this model is not a replacement, it is a diffusion.

    The diffusion of a single advantageous gene will have relatively little effect on genetic variation across the genome. A small area near the selected gene may hitchhike to fixation as a result of selection. But most of the genome will be completely unaffected.

    But Eswaran proposed that several genes were required to work together to generate the adaptive phenotype. Hence, the selective advantage would need to push all these genes simultaneously for the adaptive phenotype to spread. Further, Eswaran supposed that individuals might mate assortatively based on the presence of the adaptive phenotype. This assortative mating is a kind of inbreeding, and would tend to impede the flow of genes from local populations into the growing population with the adaptive phenotype.

    In other words, the diffusion wave model can restrict genetic variation. It does so with the same two conditions as the extinction and recolonization model: Some force causes inbreeding within populations, and another force pushes some of those populations to expand while others contract. In this model, assortative mating and epistasis are the factors that promote inbreeding, while natural selection causes demographic imbalance.

    Premo and Hublin's model

    Now, we can consider the new paper by Premo and Hublin. As in the two models above, their model has a force that promotes inbreeding and another force that causes demographic flux.

    The inbreeding force is "culturally mediated migration" -- the idea that cultural differences between populations tend to impede gene flow between them. If the global population were divided into relatively small herds, each possessing a distinct culture, then we might expect these herds to be inbred. Premo and Hublin performed simulations in which the effects of culture on migration rates were allowed to vary. If individuals demand to settle down in groups with nearly identical cultures to the group of their birth, the inbreeding within populations will be very high.

    The demographic force in Premo and Hublin's model is natural selection. They suppose that advantageous mutations arise spontaneously, and that these mutations are sufficient to drive demographic expansion, as long as gene flow is impeded by cultural differences:

    In a panmictic population, a selectively advantageous mutation evolves to fixation with a probability and at a rate that share a simple relationship to population size and the strength of selection. The manner in which a favorable mutation spreads through a structured population is not so simple (25). In a structured population, gene flow between subpopulations is required for an advantageous mutation to spread beyond the boundaries of the group in which it first appears. However, [culturally mediated migration] can inhibit the spread of beneficial mutations by restricting gene flow to short cultural distances. One consequence of cultural isolation is that offspring inherit only those novel, beneficial mutations that spread to fixation within, but not beyond, the culturally defined boundaries of the group into which they are born. Another is that, when migration between groups is rare, the fate of each beneficial mut ation—its frequency in the metapopulation— depends upon the rate at which its carrier’s group fissions relative to other groups. Variance in groups’ fission rates depends on how relative indiv idual fitness is partitioned within and bet ween groups. A group-level selective sweep, whereby 1 group (and its daughter and granddaughter groups) fissions more rapidly than other groups, requires low within-group variance and high bet ween-group variance in relative individual fitness (26, 27). As long as these conditions persist, members of the group(s) that has accrued the most favorable mutations will contribute disproportionately more offspring to the metapopulation (28, 29) (Premo and Hublin 34-35).

    It may seem obvious that I would really like this idea -- in fact without knowing about Premo and Hublin's work I was lecturing in November about the demographic effects of selection impeded by cultural differences!

    But as in the case of extinction and recolonization, and the case of the diffusion wave with epistasis, the question is whether realistic parameters for humans will work with the model.

    Premo and Hublin don't answer this question. Their paper explores the interaction of several parameters across their entire range, finding some regions of the parameter space in which culturally mediated migration and selection may combine to exert a strong effect reducing neutral genetic variation. But aside from a general claim that cultural distinction among Pleistocene humans is plausible, they do not attempt to demonstrate the importance of these factors for ancient human groups.

    Given our lack of knowledge about the number of selective events and their timing during human evolution, their caution may be appropriate.

    Still, I think there is a great potential for testing this model as applied to the archaeological and genetic record. Taking the culture areas that appear to have characterized MSA/Middle Paleolithic populations and later, are those areas (and the populations contained within them) suitable for culturally mediated migration as predicted by this model? Given the number of selected mutations on the human lineage, within an order of magnitude, are there enough to generate the demographic flux predicted by the model?

    Despite the lack of attention to real Pleistocene population parameters, Premo and Hublin succeed in putting their model into a very interesting context. They connect the idea to Sewall Wright's shifting balance model, suggesting that an appropriately divided human population might give rise to favorable gene combinations -- small and repeated versions of Eswaran's diffusion wave model. And the spatial aspect of the model lends itself naturally to a comparison with spatial dynamics of group selection, which has been a topic of great theoretical interest in the last few years.

    Premo and Hublin claim that this process will only work in species where cultural factors are significant in mediating gene flow. For a narrow construal of the model -- which depends on culture -- that is of course true. But culture is not the only force that could mediate gene flow in this way. Humans set up similar breeding systems in domesticated animals by imposing artificial barriers to gene flow. And natural barriers to gene flow, such as fitness-reducing epistasis depending on genetic background, might do the same. At the extreme, natural barriers such as lakes or islands would lead to a similar consequence to the extinction and recolonization model.

    Next

    This post has added some additional context to Premo and Hublin's paper, connecting the model to other models that are formally similar in many ways. It is natural now to consider the general model that includes all these as special cases, and develop more specific cases that might have influenced human genetic evolution.

    However, that exercise will take some more background. I started out by writing that this is a complicated problem with many interlocking parts. You can now see the boundaries of the problem. But to take it further, we'll have to consider the quantitative analysis of movement.

    That means differential equations.

    References:

    Premo LS, Hublin J-J. 2009. Culture, population structure, and low genetic diversity in Pleistocene hominins. Proc Nat Acad Sci USA 106:33-37.doi:10.1073/pnas.0809194105

  • End of the ice age, cored

    Sun, 2008-12-28 09:25 -- John Hawks

    A Danish newspaper reports on some recent ice core research:

    A Danish ice drilling project has conclusively ended the discussion on the exact date of the end of the last ice age.

    The extensive scientific study shows that it was precisely 11,711 years ago - and not the indeterminate figure of ‘some’ 11,000 years ago – that the ice withdrew, allowing humans and animals free reign.

    ...

    “Our new, extremely detailed data from the examination of the ice cores shows that in the transition from the ice age to our current warm, interglacial period the climate shift is so sudden that it is as if a button was pressed”, explains ice core researcher Jørgen Peder Steffensen, Centre for Ice and Climate at NBI at the University of Copenhagen.

    These rapid climate reversals seem to have been a growing theme for the last decade or so. I think a review of chronology of the last 40,000 years might be in order here. I'll put it on my list.

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Neandertals

For years, I've worked on their bones. Now I'm working on their genes. Read more about the science studying these ancient people.

Denisova

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Acceleration

The advent of agriculture caused natural selection to speed up greatly in humans. We're uncovering some of the ways that populations have rapidly changed during the last 10,000 years.

Malapa

Just outside Johannesburg, the Malapa site is producing some of the most exciting finds in human evolution. This site is the headquarters of the Malapa Soft Tissue Project.