john hawks weblog

paleoanthropology, genetics and evolution

social science

  • People particles

    Wed, 2009-07-29 13:24 -- John Hawks

    Last week's Science included an article by Adrian Cho examining the way that social modelers use math to describe human behavior on a large scale ("Ourselves and our interactions: the ultimate physics problem?"). I'm sort of irritated at the way physics shows up in this. I mean, sure if -- for the purposes of a model -- we can treat people as interacting particles, then that shares a mathematical basis with (some kinds of) physics modeling.

    Behind it all lies the assumption that, at least within distinct types, people are like subatomic particles: basically the same. "We like to think that we are unique," says Alessandro Vespignani, a physicist at Indiana University, Bloomington, who works on networks. "But probably for 90% of our social interactions, we are not so unique."

    This isn't a very relevant criticism -- some models may assume that every individual is identical, but they need not do so. If there are well-characterized variations in behavior, a model can incorporate them directly. At some level this is what shopping centers do to predict the behavior of teenagers -- do you put the pink cell phones across from Hollister, or the blue ones?

    In any event, does that mean that every kind of mathematical model should be called "physics"? In practice, it seems to be people trained in physics who carry out this kind of work:

    Forays into "sociophysics" began in the early 1970s. Physicists proposed, for example, that individuals interact to form public opinion much as neighboring atoms make a crystal magnetic by aligning their magnetic fields; researchers analyzed the social phenomenon by adapting the Ising model used to describe such magnetic interactions. In the 1990s, many physicists turned to economics in the controversial subfield of econophysics (see sidebar, p. 408). Now, the movement seems to be gathering momentum, as complex-systems researchers have made solid contributions in the study of traffic, epidemiology, and economics. Some are now tackling more-daunting problems, such as the emergence of social norms.

    "The problems are more complicated than most natural scientists assume, but less hopeless than most social scientists think," says Dirk Helbing, a physicist-turned-sociologist at the Swiss Federal Institute of Technology Zürich (ETHZ).

    Sadly many traditional disciplines are safe harbors for the math-impaired. Disciplinary fence-building happens for understandable reasons -- not least, that "interdisciplinary initiatives" often cover administrative efforts to cut faculty or increase courseloads. The route to useful new mathematical models may be easier through cross-disciplinary institutes of various kinds, but even these are often subject to a kind of tunnel vision -- the founders of institutes have pretty specific ideas of what they value.

    Is there a future in particle models of humans, from an anthropology perspective? There's no doubt in my mind -- several of the high-ranking anthropologists and primatologists I know are deeply interested in network effects, hub/spoke models, and phase transitions. My only hesitation is that the models are being driven mainly by consistency. Models can produce outcomes that look like real social systems, and people who don't dig into the mathematical details can find this consistency very convincing. But consistency is not enough; untested models may be simpler, more realistic, or consistent with broader observations. So we need more people familiar with social systems to dig into the details of these models.

    References:

    Cho A. 2009. Ourselves and our interactions: the ultimate physics problem? Science 325:406-408. doi:10.1126/science.325_406

  • "That kind of stuff goes over well in sociology"

    Thu, 2009-01-08 00:10 -- John Hawks

    The Chronicle of Higher Education has a long article about the tentative pairing of genetics and sociology. The occasion for the article is a recent issue of the American Journal of Sociology that features studies that combine genetics with sociology in various ways. Some are finding interesting things:

    North Carolina's [Guang] Guo looks at a gene that has been tied to levels of dopamine, a neurotransmitter linked to aggressiveness and sexual energy. One variant of the gene, which may tamp down dopamine levels, has a "robust protective effect" against early first-time sex among teenagers, he finds. The protective effect vanishes, however, when teenagers with that genotype find themselves in schools where early sex is the norm. Meanwhile, Bernice Pescosolido, of Indiana University at Bloomington — who, like Guo, has several co-authors — finds that a version of the gene Gabra2, implicated by other researchers in an increased risk for alcoholism, has no effect on women. Even among men, those with the risky version have no increased risk for alcoholism provided they have strong family bonds.

    The theme of the article:

    The psychologist Avshalom Caspi, with appointments at the University of Wisconsin at Madison and King's College London, has demonstrated that a gene associated with levels of the neurotransmitter serotonin can influence how resilient an individual is in the face of stressful life events. Caspi's widely cited work is nuanced enough to win respect even from genetic skeptics.

    It helps, too, that psychologists have turned up "progressive" results. One example is the finding, by the University of Virginia's Eric Turkheimer, that IQ is far less heritable when a child's parents are poor than when they are well off. That kind of stuff goes over well in sociology, a left-skewing field.

    Social scientists described in the article yearn to discover that things are "nuanced" or show hidden dependencies to environmental factors. Fair enough -- if you study hammers, why not look for nails? Still, it gets boring to find that every case ends with that "stinger" that shows how environment is the most important thing after all. Heritability is a ratio: If it's nonzero and nonunity, you'll have both environmental and genetic variance.

    And some take skepticism to an extreme:

    [Troy] Duster recalled sitting on various governmental review boards and watching as what he considered an inordinate amount of money flowed toward geneticists and other scientists who studied maladies like alcoholism. Why spend millions searching for a predisposition to alcoholism among Native Americans, he asked, when their mistreatment and oppression offered explanation enough?

    Oh, hey, why spend millions "searching" for a predisposition to Type 2 diabetes, when you know that overeating is explanation enough? That "searching" thing? Some of us like to call that "understanding"! As in, when you understand something, maybe you could do something about it!

    Well, it's a long article with a number of references to different research connecting genetics and behavior. Many of the examples have to do with adolescent behavior, because they draw upon the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health, which was designed to examine heritability of various traits.

    I think the most important potential of behavioral genetics is to let us understand the normal range of variation of behavior. The examples that look at the different reactions of genetically similar individuals in different environments are very interesting, and certainly confirm the importance of environments in such behaviors. But if we want to understand society, we need to understand how genetically different people tend to behave (or feel) differently in similar environments.

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