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Jared Diamond

  • Collapsing reviews

    Fri, 2010-02-19 07:30 -- John Hawks

    Nature this week gave Jared Diamond the chance to review two books about archaeology and "collapse" -- The Cambridge Companion to the Aegean Bronze Age (which he liked), and Questioning Collapse: Human Resilience, Ecological Vulnerability, and the Aftermath of Empire (which he didn't like).

    Diamond's book, Collapse, has been a target of criticism by anthropologists since it was released. I noted some of these critiques in 2005. So it's interesting to see how Diamond responds to McAnany and Yoffee's Questioning Collapse. Much comes down to how different people define "collapse".

    It makes no sense to me to redefine as heart-warmingly resilient a society in which everyone ends up dead, or in which most of the population vanishes, or that loses writing, state government and great art for centuries. As Questioning Collapse shows, that naively optimistic redefinition inevitably forces one to distort history and to avoid trying to explain what really happened. Even when many people do survive and eventually reestablish a populous complex society, the initial decline is sufficiently important to warrant being honestly called a collapse and studied further. We today, who face similar problems and could face similar fates, will not be consoled by the thought that our grandchildren might exhibit resilience.

    Well, a society is sure to lose its monumental architecture and indigenous writing systems when everybody dies, but it might lose them for other reasons. If people tire of a bloodthirsty death cult (like Congress), should we mourn its demise? When archaeologists can document a "collapse" of residential, agricultural, or ceremonial systems, the demographic impact might well have been bad, but it's rarely obviously so. And the connection between these "collapses" and political, economic, or ecological conditions -- connections that are essential to Diamond's thesis about collapse -- tend to resist simplistic causal explanations.

    I looked at Savage Minds, hoping they'd picked up on this sentence from Diamond's review:

    Another essay describes a New Guinean man named Yali, giving a lengthy reinterpretation of his views about the European colonization of New Guinea in the light of the experiences of another man with the same name — not realizing that the two Yalis were different people, 40 years apart in age and with dissimilar life stories and opinions.

    Diamond himself doesn't explain the significance of his point: "Yali's question" ("Why do you whites have so much cargo?") appears a central organizing element of Diamond's Guns Germs and Steel. It's an underlying agenda that isn't transparent to most readers of the review.

    I think that the reality is somewhere in between. Human societies have failed for all kinds of reasons. Many of these I would be hard-pressed to describe as "tragic" -- much of the cultural production in complex societies comes from elites, most of which have been oppressive. Starvation, subfertility, and disease have been depressingly common, but I don't think most such "collapses" could have been prevented by better decision-making.

    UPDATE (2010-03-04): Frequent Diamond watchdog Stinky Journalism is on the story.

    References:

    Diamond J. 2010. Two views of collapse. Nature 463:880-881. doi:10.1038/463880a

  • Jared Diamond sued for New Guinea revenge article

    Thu, 2009-04-23 23:28 -- John Hawks

    Last year, I pointed to an article that Jared Diamond had written in the New Yorker on revenge cycles in Highland New Guinea. Now Diamond has been sued by two New Guinea men, claiming the article is false.

    Henep Isum Mandingo and Hup Daniel Wemp say in a single-page filing in Manhattan's state Supreme Court that Diamond's article published April 21, 2008, accused them "of serious criminal activity ... including murder."

    The article was titled, "Vengeance Is Ours: What can tribal societies tell us about our need to get even?"

    The New Yorker spokeswoman Alexa Cassanos said she had not seen the lawsuit and could not comment. She added: "We stand by our story; we stand by Jared Diamond."

    There is a convoluted series of events behind the lawsuit. A media researcher named Rhonda Roland Shearer fact-checked the story, employing a team of New Guinea researchers to find the people mentioned in Diamond's article. The research resulted in a long report, which has been summarized on the StinkyJournalism.org website.

    If you want to know more, I can recommend Savage Minds, where Alex ("Rex") Golub has written some detailed thoughts.

    Shearer conducted punishingly scrupulous research on Diamond’s story, which included contacting Wemp and having researchers in Papua New Guinea investigate Diamond’s story. It looks like the New Yorker article is a hodge-podge of Diamond’s recollections of the stories Wemp told Diamond when Wemp drove him around the Southern Highlands. The actual history of fighting in the area Wemp describes is quite different—for instance, the man that Diamond says was paralyzed in a wheelchair is photographed standing and walking in Shearer’s piece. Diamond presents what appear to be verbatim quotations from Wemp which are probably Diamond’s reconstruction of the conversation, and so forth. So both the facts and their presentation are problematic.

    I don't pretend to understand the legal issues, but it's certainly a cautionary story for anthropologists. Many like to hold out Diamond as a know-nothing dilettante, but the main thing that distinguishes this case is that it was published in the New Yorker, which gets read by people. Monographs of fieldwork in anthropology don't get read by people. They are peer-reviewed, but not usually fact-checked. The writers are often young scholars who need to publish a book for tenure.

    Hopefully they have the sense to use fake names for their informants.

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