john hawks weblog

paleoanthropology, genetics and evolution

dating

  • Open science radiocarbon databases

    Mon, 2011-05-16 04:23 -- John Hawks

    Last week I wrote a lot about the radiocarbon chronology of late Neandertals in Europe ("Neandertals didn't disappear before 40,000 years ago", "Neandertals of the North").

    For more information about the radiocarbon dates of late Mousterian, Châtelperronian and other industries in Europe, there are several database projects that have collated date estimates from sites across the continent. These are well summarized in a current open access paper in PaleoAnthropology by Francesco d'Errico and colleagues. [1] (direct PDF link) That paper announces an additional radiocarbon database, called PACEA, which is available as a zip version of an Excel spreadsheet, supplemental to the article (Link to ZIP file). The article discusses several other database projects as well, some of which have open download policies.

    The availability of the large database of date estimates is tremendously important for anyone attempting to make sense of the systematic errors possible for dates. For example, a plot of the data by d'Errico and colleagues shows immediately the downward bias of conventional radiocarbon dates compared to AMS dates.


    References

  • Neandertals didn't disappear before 40,000 years ago

    Tue, 2011-05-10 19:25 -- John Hawks

    The science press has its own synchronized cycle, like brain waves, and being in Rome seems to make me into a misfiring neuron. Here it is tomorrow, and there's this story about Neandertals all being dead before modern humans showed up, which for Americans is now yesterday's news. Unless you take the paper NY Times, of course, in which case you probably haven't read it yet.

    The occasion for the article is a paper reporting new radiocarbon dates for one of the specimens from Mezmaiskaya, a site in the Russian Caucasus.

    The site and the date of the Mez 2 burial

    Excavations by Golanova and colleagues have recovered two burials of young children from this site. One of them (Mez 1) has been the subject of much research. Based on some skeletal features and a partial sequence of its genome, the skeleton is a Neandertal child. A sample of one of its ribs was taken for radiocarbon dating, reported in 1999, and yielded a direct AMS date of 29,000 BP. This was out of sync with the other dates from the surrounding level of the site.

    Ten years ago, Milford Wolpoff and I suggested that the skeletal features by themselves weren't very convincing, and a recent date (apparently out-of-sync with the surrounding archaeological layer) might signal an intrusive Upper Paleolithic burial [1], despite its Neandertal mtDNA sequence. Now we can look at a large part of the genome of this individual, which is very much like the Vindija Neandertals. In 2005, Skinner and colleagues reported ESR dates from Mezmaiskaya, concluding that layer 3 (including the Mez 1 burial) dates to between 60,000 and 70,000 years ago. By that time, those authors were discussing the inconsistency of the recent 29,000 date for the rib, compared to much older dates (>35,000 BP) for an overlying Mousterian layer. They expected the underlying layer 3 to be much older, and found that to be true of the ESR date estimates.

    The second child burial, Mez 2, comes from layer 2 of the site, which is also Mousterian but younger than the first burial. A date around 40,000 years for the Mez 2 infant is basically what was expected six years ago by Skinner and colleagues:

    Infant 2 was found in a pit introduced from Layer 2 into Layers 2A and 2B(1). Its’ age therefore is probably about 40 ka. Since the precise surface from which the pit was dug is unknown, this should be considered a maximum age.

    That left open the possibility that the burial might be younger.

    In the new paper [2], Ron Pinhasi and colleagues report that a sample taken from the infant itself dates to 39,700 +/- 1100 radiocarbon years BP, which calibrates to between 42,960 and 44,600 calendar years BP. The new date confirms that the burial happened relatively soon after the deposition of the surrounding dated bones.

    The authors additionally report many other date estimates for faunal materials from the site. These form a pattern in which most are consistent with a relatively narrow range of date estimates, but a few are outliers. One of the important conclusions from the outliers is that contaminated carbon is hard to get out of a sample, even with the advanced ultrafiltration performed by the Oxford lab. The conclusion is narrowly interesting and solid, and it's very important to iron out such inconsistencies -- compare, for example, my 2008 post on the Gorham's Cave chronology.

    So what is the big deal?

    What does the paper say about the dates of other sites?

    Here's where things get interesting. The paper includes this passage in its discussion:

    The critical reanalysis of directly dated Neanderthal and AMH fossils from across Eurasia, taking into consideration pretreatment histories and redating results (5), supports our findings in the Caucasus and highlights the lack of reliably dated Neanderthal fossils younger than ∼40 ka cal BP (Fig. 3). Contrary to traditional arguments for up to 10,000 y of coexistence, these data suggest that Neanderthal extinction across Western Eurasia, including the Caucasus, was probably a rapid process, and that coexistence with AMHs, when it occurred, may have been of limited duration.

    and this in its abstract:

    Our results confirm the lack of reliably dated Neanderthal fossils younger than ∼40 ka cal BP in any other region of Western Eurasia, including the Caucasus.

    That last part is a pretty strong statement. No reliably dated Neandertal fossils anywhere after 40,000 years ago?

    I thought that was so surprising that I corresponded with the study authors today. One distinct advantage of being in Rome is that I'm synchronized with Europeans, so Tom Higham was able to write back with some of his thoughts. The authors' doubt in the later dates for Neandertal specimens is genuine; their experience is that the newer treatments to remove recent contaminating carbon from samples is eliminating Neandertal dates under around 40,000 years.

    A systematic revision of the radiocarbon chronology of late Middle and early Upper Paleolithic Europeans has been underway for several years. This has been an important story, and I've written about it several times (my "dating" category hits most of the posts). I think I once told a journalist that this was the most underreported story in paleoanthropology.

    In 2006, Higham and colleagues reported that dates obtained for the Vindija G1 Neandertals, at 29,000 BP, were too young by some 4000 years [3]. That result is listed in the current paper as "doubtful" becuase it did not employ the latest purification strategies. That helps to show that the current paper is "equal opportunity" -- past results from the Oxford Accelerator unit are not immune to doubt. But it is hardly confidence-raising. If we cannot trust radiocarbon determinations made in the last five years, why should anyone submit further samples for testing?

    Personally, this was my reaction to the paper: don't grind up any more human bone until the radiocarbon community is unified about sample processing techniques. Let them work it out on the fauna.

    The paper lists 15 direct dates on Neandertal specimens younger than 40,000 calendar years BP (some of them multiple samples from single skeletal remains). It lists all 15 of these as doubtful because they do not employ the latest techniques. That is a point emphasized by Higham also (and reflected in several past papers): these date determinatinos are not trustworthy given what we know about sample contamination by recent carbon-14. The Oxford group has put out several papers on this problem. One of the most useful is by Blockley and colleagues [4] because it introduces the device of using the Cantabrian Ignimbrite ash horizon as a marker to compare dates -- dates below the horizon should be consistent, whereas a large sample of actual date estimates include many that are far too young.

    At any rate, this is where the story in the linked news article (and others) comes from. University College Cork issued a press release in conjuction with the paper's early edition release in PNAS.

    Direct dating of a fossil of a Neanderthal infant suggests that Neanderthals probably died out earlier than previously thought. Researchers have dated a Neanderthal fossil discovered in a significant cave site in Russia in the northern Caucasus, and found it to be 10,000 years older than previous research had suggested. This new evidence throws into doubt the theory that Neanderthals and modern humans interacted for thousands of years. Instead, the researchers believe any co-existence between Neanderthals and modern humans is likely to have been much more restricted, perhaps a few hundred years. It could even mean that in some areas Neanderthals had become extinct before anatomically modern humans moved out of Africa.

    This is the lead of the press release. I think that the claim makes up only a minor part of the paper (which is really a results paper about Mezmaiskaya). It is clearly interesting and provocative, but I think the paper's results by themselves do not justify the claim. In the case of Mez 2, a skeleton that the excavators expected to be 40,000 years old, actually turns out to be 40,000 years old. No surprise. There were no incorrect radiocarbon assessments of this specimen, and the apparently wrong assessment of the Mez 1 infant (at 29,000 years old instead of beyond radiocarbon range) has not been corrected here.

    Were Neandertals really extinct by 39,000 years ago?

    Now, in one sense, the survival of Neandertals after 40,000 years ago is not terribly important. Africans mixed with Neandertals, and as far as we can tell (an issue my lab is addressing now) the mixture is not preferentially within Europe. That argues for a West Asian interaction of the population, and it remains to understand why the ancestors of Europeans did not interact more than other populations. Probably a good hypotheses is that today's Europeans derive most of their ancestry from outside Europe during the last 10,000 years. If the Neandertals did not persist within Europe long during the Upper Paleolithic, that provides another alternative.

    But to say that we doubt a particular kind of information about dates is not the same as saying that Neandertals did not exist after 39,000 years ago.

    Direct dates on Neandertal bones are far from the only evidence of their persistence in Europe. Dozens of sites are dated by radiocarbon on fauna or charcoal. These dates themselves may be subject to the same critique as applies to the human bone. But there are not 15 of them, there are many, many more.

    For example, Gravina and colleagues [5] list 24 AMS dates for Châtelperronian contexts that are 36,000 BP or less. Calibration of dates for this era adds more than 3000 years or more to the calendar years represented by a radiocarbon date, so these are dates likely less than 40,000 years. They may be contaminated by recent carbon (and indeed a few are outliers below 32,000 BP), but if so some of them are remarkably consistent.

    Martínez-Moreno and colleagues [6] give a recent review of the Middle-Upper Paleolithic transition in Iberia. They list several sites with late Mousterian industries later than 34,000 radiocarbon years BP, even without counting the contentious examples (like Gorham's Cave) that arguably are later than 30,000 BP.

    I would not be happy assuming that every Mousterian site is a Neandertal site, not even in this limited geographic context. There is too much technical overlap, and sometimes small samples of artifacts, to be definitive about such an association. Technology is not biology. Neither would I be willing to assume that late Neandertals are entirely Neandertal -- we see no genetic evidence of African mixture into this population in the Vindija or El Sidron genomes, but these are older than 45,000 years. Who knows what a 35,000-year-old Neandertal in France or Spain (or Croatia) would look like genetically? But only Neandertal remains have thus far been associated with Mousterian and Châtelperronian in France and Iberia. Several sites have stratified Middle to Upper Paleolithic transitions with dates after 40,000 calibrated years BP.

    So from the Neandertal point of view, I think this is largely a non-story. There remains substantial question about the pattern of appearance of the post-Neandertal population, as I've extensively discussed here. When we consider the Caucasus, we are still working to understand the timing and mode of the later Neandertals and early Upper Paleolithic people. But there's really no serious challenge to the idea that Neandertals existed in Western Europe after 40,000 years ago.

    Or if there is, it'll be out of sync with what most of us think we know.


    References

    1. Hawks J, and Wolpoff MH. 2001. Paleoanthropology and the Population Genetics of Ancient Genes. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 114:269–272.
    2. Pinhasi R, Higham TFG, Golovanova LV, and Doronichev VB. 2011. Revised age of late Neanderthal occupation and the end of the Middle Paleolithic in the northern Caucasus. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences [Internet] 108:8611–8616. Available from: http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1018938108
    3. Higham T, Ramsey CB, Karavanić I, Smith FH, and Trinkaus E. 2006. Revised Direct Radiocarbon Dating of the {Vindija} {G1} {Upper Paleolithic} {Neandertals}. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, U. S. A. 103:553–557.
    4. Blockley SPE, Bronk Ramsey C, and Higham TFG. 2008. The Middle to Upper Paleolithic transition: dating, stratigraphy, and isochronous markers. Journal of Human Evolution [Internet] 55:764–771. Available from: http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jhevol.2008.08.009
    5. Gravina B, Mellars P, and Ramsey CB. 2005. Radiocarbon Dating of Interstratified {Neanderthal} and Early Modern Human Occupations at the {Chatelperronian} Type Site. Nature [Internet] 438:51–56. Available from: http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/nature04006
    6. Mart\'ınez-Moreno J, Mora R, and de la Torre I. 2010. The Middle-to-Upper Palaeolithic transition in Cova Gran (Catalunya, Spain) and the extinction of Neanderthals in the Iberian Peninsula. Journal of Human Evolution [Internet] 58:211–226. Available from: http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jhevol.2009.09.002
    Synopsis: 
    I disagree with a new story that claims Neandertals disappeared before 40,000 years ago.
  • Combe Capelle redated

    Sun, 2011-03-20 14:13 -- John Hawks

    I missed this earlier this month, but Julien Riel-Salvatore did not: "Burial Site at Combe Capelle in France is Not as Old as Previously Assumed, by Several Thousands Years"

    After an initial sample of the famous skull failed to yield results in radiocarbon dating, a second sample was taken from a molar in the lower jaw for testing in June 2009 in Kiel. In previous cases, compact tooth enamel had shown better preservation conditions of the collagen needed for radiocarbon dating. A sufficient amount of collagen was able to be extracted after preparation and intense cleaning of the tooth substance. Subsequent analysis using accelerator mass spectrometry at the laboratory in Kiel assigned a date of 7575 BCE to the remains of what had previously been assumed to be an early Homo sapiens specimen, meaning earlier assumptions had been out by several thousands of years.

    This does not come as a surprise; the provenience of the skeleton has always been doubtful. It was unearthed by Otto Hauser in 1909. Excavations from a century ago were not often conducted with a fastidiousness for stratigraphy, Hauser being a prime offender. Remember this is three years before Piltdown; a time when finding "modern" looking skeletons in association with old archaeology could make someone's fame.

    There are some great pictures of the discovery and Hauser posing with the bones, at the Past Horizons site.

  • Straightening the calibration curve

    Thu, 2010-01-21 10:50 -- John Hawks

    Michael Balter reports on a new radiocarbon calibration called INTCAL09. The calibration curve purports to provide a calendar age calibration up to 50,000 years ago for AMS radiocarbon dates.

    Balter's report gives a good account of the basics. The atmospheric concentration of carbon-14 varied over time, so that organisms from some ancient times started with a higher proportion and other times started with a lower proportion. The radiocarbon dating technique depends on knowing this initial carbon-14 proportion. But we can only figure this out by comparing the present carbon-14 proportion in things whose ages we know -- like tree rings. Before 25,000 years ago, good non-radiocarbon chronologies are hard to come by, so up to now there has been no good calibration curve.

    More recently, however, thanks to new and more accurate data from foraminifers, corals, and other sources--plus some fancy statistical treatments that help predict which way data gaps bend the curve--the INTCAL group has been able to resolve most of the discrepancies. "It took the group quite a while to come together and agree," says INTCAL team leader Paula Reimer, a geochronologist at Queen's University Belfast in Northern Ireland. But the new data, combined with what Reimer calls a "real sense of necessity" among team members to resolve the debates, won the day.

    I'm skeptical when I see calibrated dates because they seldom report the calibration error. I like "fancy statistical treatments" that actually report their error. The entire reason a calibration model like INTCAL09 looks good is that it represents only one component of variability within a large set of separate chronometric datasets. The "debates" are more or less about whether that component is time, and if not what other factors must be controlled. Resolving the debates doesn't mean that the model will reduce the error associated with calibrating a given date -- it (hopefully) means that calibrated dates will be unbiased.

    In principle, calibration is good because it facilitates comparison between radiocarbon and other dating methods, like OSL or ESR. It also gives a more accurate view of the temporal scale of events -- the radiocarbon chronology compresses the period between 40,000 and 10,000 years ago into 25,000 radiocarbon years instead of 30,000 calendar years. It makes a difference, if for no other reason, because it makes the initial Upper Paleolithic look more rapid than it really was.

    Julien Riel-Salvatore ruminates on similar issues ("Paleolithic radiocarbon legerdemain")

    The really bad dating problem happens at points where the atmospheric carbon-14 declined. Some declines occurred with nearly the same rate as actual decay of the carbon-14. A younger sample may then up with the same carbon-14 proportion as an older sample, with no way to tell between them. (I discussed this problem as applied to initial Upper Paleolithic-era dates in "Radiocarbon fudgery".)

    Because different datasets vary in their results, apparent declines in atmospheric carbon-14 seem more common in those individual datasets than in the model that reflects their common features. The atmospheric carbon should be better reflected by the model -- after all, there's only one atmosphere, so these datasets should reflect the same value.

    But any single series of dates ought to have temporal stochasticity more like an individual dataset. When we take dates from bone collagen -- which is not one of the kinds of data with chronological controls -- there ought to be a separate, source-specific error that we can't control by a calibration model.

    Does it matter? I think we should assume the resolution of a 40,000-year-old calibrated radiocarbon date is no better than 3000 years. And in some cases more -- depending on the atmospheric trend. If one date is 3000 years earlier than the other, I think there's a very good likelihood that the earlier date really did happen first.

    Too conservative? I'd like to see somebody run the numbers on it.

    Synopsis: 
    Radiocarbon calibration looks good, but may fail on the oldest sites.
  • The paleomagnetic long count

    Thu, 2009-11-12 00:54 -- John Hawks

    A little off-topic, but interesting: Chris Rowan writes about paleomagnetic reversals and crustal movements some billion years ago.

    The change in inclinations through the section indicates that North America moved almost 30 degrees - around 3000 kilometres - southward in just 11 million years of volcanic activity. This means that the plate that it was located on was travelling at a speed somewhere between 20 and 40 centimetres a year, which is significantly faster even than India prior to its collision with Asia. Rather intriguingly, we may have replaced one geological mystery with another.

  • Free the trees

    Wed, 2009-07-01 05:30 -- John Hawks

    Further drawbacks of databases in anthropology, after my post mentioning the issues. I'll point to Martin Rundkvist's discussion of "Open Source Dendrochronology":

    Dendrochronology has a serious organisational problem that impedes its development as a scientific discipline and tends to compromise its results. This is the problem of proprietary data. When a person or organisation has made a reference curve, then in many cases they will not publish it. They will keep it as an in-house trade secret and offer their paid services as dendrochronologists. This means that dendrochronology becomes a black box into which customers stick samples, and out of which dates come, but only the owner of the black box can evaluate the process going on inside. This is of course a deeply unscientific state of things. And regardless of the scientific issue, I am one of those who feel that if dendro reference curves are produced with public funding, then they should be published on-line as a public resource.

    He details work being done by a dedicated crew of amateurs, to replicate and sometimes expose errors in published chronologies, just by using open source principles.

  • The Pleistocene "land grab"

    Wed, 2009-06-03 15:39 -- John Hawks

    Holy stratigraphy, Batman!

    The International Commission on Stratigraphy (ICS) has elected to formally define the base of the Quaternary at 2.6 million years before present, and also to lower the base of the Pleistocene — an epoch that encompasses the most recent glaciations — from its historical position at 1.8 million years to 2.6 million years ago. The decision, finalized on 21 May, will now be passed to the executive committee of the International Union of Geological Sciences (IUGS) for ratification, which is expected in the next month or two.

    The vote shifts an 800,000-year slice, formerly part of the Pliocene epoch, into the Pleistocene. "It's kind of a land grab," says Philip Gibbard, a geologist at the University of Cambridge, UK, who has fought for the redefinition since 2001. "But we see it as just putting straight a mistake that was made 25–30 years ago."

    The linked article in Nature, by Amanda Mascarelli, likens the change to the astronomers' redefinition of Pluto. I'd say!

    The geologists don't like the existing Pliocene-Pleistocene boundary because there's no major extinction or faunal turnover then. Many don't like "Quaternary" at all, having largely done away with the associated "Primary" and "Secondary". But Quaternary remains useful as a way to lump Pleistocene and Holocene. So, they've decided to redefine based on the initiation of the recent ice age cycles. That makes geological sense, but means that people have to relearn a bunch of stuff.

    What impact will it have on paleoanthropology? Well, I suppose for one thing, we don't have to talk about "Plio-Pleistocene" anymore. That term was most common as applied to sites and specimens between 2.5 and 1.4 million years ago. Sometimes people used it in the broader sense of all australopithecines and early Homo, but since we've had Miocene hominids for the last ten years, I think we can toss it out. Since the earliest credible specimens of our genus are around 2.5 million years old, Homo will henceforth entirely a Pleistocene phenomenon.

    In fact, in terms of hominid evolution, 2.6 million years ago is a convenient place for the Pliocene-Pleistocene boundary. It's certainly easier than shifting to use hominin instead of hominid. The question is whether the geologists will allow the Early Pleistocene to span all the way from 2.6 to 0.8 million years ago, or whether they'll come up with some other terminology. Because it will be an enormous pain if we have to change the labels everywhere that refer to "Middle Pleistocene".

    References:

    Mascarelli AL. 2009. Quaternary geologists win timescale vote. Nature 459:624. doi:10.1038/459624a

  • Rats in the radiocarbon (or vice versa)

    Wed, 2008-06-11 09:12 -- John Hawks

    The story of the New Zealand rat bones is a bit deeper than the press reports (e.g., this AP report). The main idea is that the rat radiocarbon dates support an initial habitation of New Zealand that was relatively late, around 1200 AD. That's not a big surprise, since no human archaeological site or remains have been found to have earlier dates.

    I don't have any opinion about New Zealand prehistory, really. It seems to me that the rats are a very good source of evidence, because their population growth is potentially much much faster than human population growth. If rats arrive on an island, there's a good chance of finding them early. I could imagine that humans might escape leaving archaeology for some time. I doubt very much that they could remain invisible for over a thousand years, but that depends on the intensity of archaeological research. But rats are not going to stay invisible. When you have extinct predators who ate rats, and they leave rat bones in their feces that you can sample, and none of those rat bones are more than 800 years old, well that's a sign.

    So what's the real story here? The Oxford Radiocarbon Accelerator Unit keeps changing sample preparation protocols! These changes have brought in a number of new ways to take contamination and recent carbon out of the sample. I noted the redating of Vindija G1, which was based on a new sample preparation method using filtration to purify collagen from the bone. At the time, this was one among several new methods attempting to improve the accuracy of AMS dates. The cumulative effect of the advent of AMS dating, coupled with these later improvements, has added substantial precision to our knowledge of Europe during the last 40,000 years, as I reviewed here. Tom Higham, who was behind the new dates in the New Zealand paper, also worked out the Vindija G1 redating.

    The problem is that every new sampling method raises the prospect that a lot of currently accepted dates are actually wrong. That is what has happened in the case of the New Zealand rats. The rat case demonstrates the depth of the problem: Holdaway (1996) presented seven AMS dates on rat bones whose confidence intervals are significantly older than 1000 AD (calibrated), two that are significantly older than 500 AD. The present study by Wilmhurst et al. must claim that all those rats were contaminated with old carbon.

    Since the half-life of carbon-14 is 5730 years, an elevation of more than 500 years in a date represents a very substantial deficit of carbon-14 -- on the order of five percent of the maximum amount. Such deficits might be possible, either due to conditions after burial or consumption of marine carbon by the animals during their lives. But in his original study, Holdaway closely considered these effects:

    Potential sources of error include the addition of 'old' or reservoir carbon to the bone gelatin before death in the diet, or after deposition via unremoved humics or diagenetic processes in carbonate sedimentary environments, especially for small specimens.

    Dietary influences were not apparent. Two individuals of known death date give calibrated ages that include their death dates. In addition, 14C dates on bone gelatin from two herbivorous birds (equilibrium carbon consumers) are not significantly different from those on rat bones from comparable levels. Humic contamination is unlikely, most being removed by gelatinization, but must still be considered fro earlier 'collagen' dates. Environmental carbonates were removed by an acid pre-wash, eliminating carbonate contamination. Measured ages were not related to whole-sample mass.

    Longer-term diagenetic changes do not appear to have a significant effect. Samples of moa eggshell (species unknown) and bird bone from close proximity in sediment enclosed by two undisturbed volcanic tephras give indistinguishable ages.... These materials were prepared using different treatments. Finally, a rat dentary excavated from beneith the Taupo Tephra gives an age of 1,775±93 yr BP. In addition to the radiocarbon age being consistent with that of the covering tephra, the bone's position beneath the undisturbed layer provides independent evidence that Pacific rats were established in the North Island before the Taupo eruption (Holdaway 1996:226).

    Yes, you read that right. He had a rat under a well-dated volcanic tephra.

    The current paper claims that all the oldest dates for rat remains have come from a single lab, all before a single date:

    Subsequent dating of Pacific rat bones sampled from both laughing owl (32) and archaeological sites (33-35) failed to duplicate the early series of old rat bone dates (35-38). The most telling criticism of the original dates is that they fall into two distinct groups according to when the bones were processed in the same dating laboratory (22, 36, 37) (see Fig. 1). The early series of rat bone dates processed in 1995 and 1996 are all older than the oldest-dated archaeological evidence (1280 A.D.), but all bones dated after 1996 are younger (36, 37) (Fig. 1). Moreover, some rat bones from archaeological assemblages that were processed in 1995 and 1996 are significantly older than consistent dates on diverse materials from the same stratigraphic contexts (34, 35). Critics argued that this unusual bimodal distribution of ages according to when the bones were processed was due to inadequate pretreatment of small bones (33, 35-37). It has also been argued that some of the old 1995-1996 rat bone dates are older than their "true" age because of dietary uptake of carbon depleted in 14C (e.g., refs. 39-40).

    Well, there you have it. The argument has to be that the dates are wrong due to the different sample preparation methods. The "dietary carbon-14" argument can't be the explanation, because some of the more recently dated samples ought to show the same deficit, and they don't. I personally don't see how they deal with the rat under the tephra -- they don't address the question. The only possibility that makes sense with their argument is that the samples were technically processed in a way that led to older dates.

    Again, I have no opinion about New Zealand settlement. The recent chronology proposed here sounds reasonable to me, but mainly because people in a massively expanding population shouldn't remain archaeologically invisible.

    I just want to point out how much our knowledge of the archaeological sequence depends on the technical details of dating methods, known only to a small number of researchers. To be sure, technology advances. But we have thrown out an awfully large number of radiocarbon dates in the last few years, due to small but important changes in methods. And the New Zealand case shows that this problem is not confined to the upper limits of AMS dating, where the preserved carbon-14 fraction is at its lowest. In the European case, the biggest problem has been supposed Aurignacian specimens that turned out to be Holocene in age.

    This raises the obvious question: how much weight should we give to current date estimates?

    References:

    Wilmhurst JM, Anderson AJ, Higham TFG, Worthy TH. 2008. Dating the late prehistoric dispersal of Polynesians to New Zealand using the commensal Pacific rat. Proc Nat Acad Sci 105:7676-7680. doi:10.1073/pnas.0801507105

    Holdaway RN. 1996. Arrival of rats in New Zealand. Nature 384:225-226. doi:10.1038/384225b0

  • An earlier initial Upper Paleolithic at Kostenki

    Wed, 2007-01-17 06:00 -- John Hawks

    A paper by Anikovich and colleagues in Science describes revisions to the Upper Paleolithic chronology of Kostenki, Russia.

    Here's what I think about this paper:

    1. The issue of redating for the Kostenki chronology is covered better in a Quaternary International paper by Sinitsyn and Hoffecker last year. This new paper in Science basically takes that earlier paper and cuts out most of the details -- both for and against their preferred chronology. The new elements are all hidden away in the supplementary information, but they only include a new stratigraphic description and a series of OSL dates.

    2. If you know a little about Kostenki, the magnitude of the redating -- around 10,000 years earlier -- may be surprising. If you don't know anything about Kostenki, well, consider that Kostenki is not a site, but a village with around 20 separate Paleolithic localities around it. Many of these localities already have long series of radiocarbon dates, so that the chronology of the entire array of localities has been based on hundreds of radiocarbon dates. This paper isn't discarding all those dates, but it is proposing that the older ones should be recalibrated much earlier, and that still doesn't make them old enough to match the OSL and other kinds of dates.

    If you know a lot about Kostenki, then there's no surprise here; the earlier dates follow directly from accepting that the ash layer is actually 40,000 instead of much younger. That has been known for a few years. It's really not very novel.

    It is interesting that much of the way toward the older date on the radiocarbon dates comes from calibrating them. I've written about the problems of radiocarbon calibrations before; this paper doesn't mention them. The calibration here is enough to make a 37,000 14C date into a 42,000 year calibrated date.

    3. The paper says this about the initial Upper Paleolithic at Kostenki:

    The artifact assemblages below the CI tephra do not represent an Upper Paleolithic industry that is "transitional" from the local Middle Paleolithic, but rather an abrupt departure from the latter. Prismatic blade technology is predominant and Middle Paleolithic artifact types are rare. Most of the stone used for artifact production was imported 100 to 150 km from its sources (9), and the perforated shells (Columbellidae) in the lowermost level at Kostenki 14 (Fig. 4G) apparently are derived from a source no closer than the Black Sea (i.e., transported >500 km) (8). Other raw materials include bone, antler, and ivory. Most noteworthy is the carved ivory piece that may represent an example of figurative art. Novel technologies include the rotary drill and - by implication - devices for harvesting small game (26). Although taxonomic assignment of the associated human teeth is tentative, the contents of this Upper Paleolithic industry suggest that it was probably manufactured by modern humans.

    Deposits below the CI tephra at Kostenki also yielded several artifact assemblages that primarily contain typical Middle Paleolithic tool forms (e.g., side-scrapers, bifaces) manufactured on flakes (7). They lack imported raw materials, bone-antler-ivory artifacts, and art. The faunal remains are confined to large mammals (30). These assemblages, which are assigned to the local Strelets culture, are analogous to the "transitional" Upper Paleolithic industries of western and central Europe (especially the Szeletian), at least some of which apparently were produced by local Neandertals (1, 26). The Strelets artifacts are not associated with any human skeletal remains and their makers are unknown. They may represent an activity variant of the other Kostenki industry (i.e., probably produced by modern humans) related to the butchering of large mammals. Younger Strelets assemblages are found above the CI tephra (7, 12) (Anikovich et al. 2007:225).

    Of course, these paragraphs directly contradict each other. If the assemblages below the ash layer are an "abrupt departure" from the Middle Paleolithic, then they shouldn't "primarily contain typical Middle Paleolithic tool forms."

    The resolution of this contradiction is that there are two distinct industries represented, one at Kostenki 14/IVb, and one at Kostenki 12/III. And as discussed by Vishnyatsky and Nehoroshev (2004), the Kostenki 14/IVb assemblage may represent something different than the "advanced" industry from Kostenki 17/III and possibly Kostenki 12/II.

    There may be a reason for the current paper to gloss over these distinctions (even omitting names for the industries, Streletskian and Spitsynian) -- there is currently no reason to think one of them is older than the other. Anikovich and colleagues suggest they may be different use facies of a single industry. The weakness of this explanation may be the long duration of the Streletskian (the one with Middle Paleolithic elements); it would seem to render the more "advanced" boneworking and ornament-making industries as apparently more ephemeral and special-use, because they are not found as widely or as long. Whether elements of them may be mixed together in different proportions at different sites is a good question that somebody should examine -- an increased emphasis of ornaments and bone in the later Streletskian may signal this.

    At present, there is not really any convincing case for an intrusive origin of the initial EUP at Kostenki. For more information, I have put together a long post on the archaeology of the initial Upper Paleolithic at Kostenki, reflecting on a paper by Vishnyatsky and Nehoroshev (2004). An earlier date makes an intrusive origin more problematic, because it greatly narrows the possible locations for such an originating population. From an archaeological perspective, it is simpler to argue that the Russian Plain itself is the origination point for the advanced boneworking industries of the initial EUP. Absent the need for a migration of prismatic core-knapping and bone carving people into the area, it is not clear whether archaeology is really telling us about the movement of modern humans into this region. I would guess that the important factor is the occupation itself; Neandertals may not have been able to use the Russian Plain effectively, as reflected by a rarity of Middle Paleolithic sites.

    4. The carved ivory "head" is not very persuasive. There is no suggestion of features. Looks like it might be some kind of toggle instead.

    5. If the initial UP at Kostenki can be redated 10,000 years earlier, and if dozens of radiocarbon dates earlier than 32,000 years can unilaterally have 5000 or more years added to them, this inspires little confidence in the existing radiocarbon chronology of Europe. Of course, we've been seeing changes in radiocarbon chronology for many years now. Still, the scale of this change is very impressive.

    If I had a very important specimen that was supported by a single radiocarbon date, I would be very nervous. Something like Vindija 80...

    References:

    Anikovich MV and 14 others. 2007. Early Upper Paleolithic in Eastern Europe and implications for the dispersal of modern humans. Science 315:223-226. doi:10.1126/science.1133376

    Sinitsyn AA, Hoffecker JF. 2006. Radiocarbon dating and chronology of the Early Upper Paleolithic at Kostenki. Quaternary International 152-153:175-185. doi:10.1016/j.quaint.2005.12.007

    Vishnyatsky LB, Nehoroshev PE. 2004. The beginning of the Upper Paleolithic on the Russian Plain. Pp. 80-96 in Brantingham PJ, Kuhn SL, Kerry KW, eds, The Early Upper Paleolithic beyond Western Europe. University of California Press, Berkeley CA.

  • Radiocarbon fudgery

    Tue, 2006-09-26 13:21 -- John Hawks

    I skipped last week's (9/15/2006) Science, and so missed this article by Michael Balter on radiocarbon dating. But some online discussion boards have been talking about it, and this passage especially is worth reading:

    Encouraged by their recent successes, radiocarbon researchers now have their eyes on the bigger prize of the 50,000-year limit. Indeed, when the IntCal group began work on the 2004 curve, it had high hopes of extending it back to this final barrier. Yet it was not to be. Although the marine data sets were reasonably consistent with each other up to 26,000 years ago, after that they began to scatter and diverge, in some cases by up to several millennia. Geochronologist Paula Reimer of Queen's University in Belfast, Northern Ireland, who coordinates the working group, says that the differences--among the raw data as well as among the researchers--were just too great: "We had four or five people, all of whom thought their records were right." So the group settled for publishing in Radiocarbon a comparison of the data sets earlier than 26,000 years, which they ironically called "NotCal"--meaning, Reimer and other members say, that it was not intended to be used as a calibration curve.

    But archaeologist Paul Mellars of the University of Cambridge in the U.K. used the published data to essentially do just that. Mellars was eager to get the most accurate dates for possibly contemporaneous Neandertal and modern human sites in Europe. So he used the midpoint of the differing "NotCal" curves to approximately calibrate the radiocarbon ages of 19 hominid sites ranging from Israel in the East to Spain in the West. Using this best-guess method, Mellars found that modern humans had not only spread across Europe faster than previously thought, but that they had overlapped with Neandertals during a shorter interval: only about 6000 years rather than 10,000 years in Europe as a whole, and as little as 1000 years in some parts of the continent. Mellars concluded in the 23 February 2006 issue of Nature that Neandertals must have "succumbed much more rapidly to competition" from modern humans than many had assumed.

    But Reimer and others say Mellars should not have used the NotCal data as he did. "It is dangerous to draw too fine conclusions using these data sets," says Reimer, because they have not been finalized and the divergences between them have yet to be reconciled. Other researchers have started asking van der Plicht whether they can use the "Mellars curve" for calibration. "This is a bad thing," says van der Plicht.

    Mellars insists that archaeologists can't wait for a final calibration curve. "Are we all really expected to keep studies of modern human origins on hold for the next 5 years, until they decide they've finally got the calibration act together?" he asks. The working group, he argues, "has hijacked the term 'calibration' to mean an absolutely agreed, rubber stamped, legalistic, signed, sealed, and delivered curve." And even when the experts agree on a curve, Mellars says, it will not be "final and absolute" but "simply the best estimate from the data at the time."

    Now, even something that isn't officially approved by geochronologists might still be correct. So the question is whether errors were introduced by Mellars into the chronology by using the "NotCal" not-calibrated calibration (and yes, the Mellars paper uses without noting the irony "the recent NotCal04 'best estimation' calibration curve").

    The problems are noted in a communication to Nature last week (9/14/2006) by Chris Turney, Richard Roberts and Zenobia Jacobs:

    Atmospheric 14C variability has not followed a simple, smooth pattern, as suggested by Mellars. Instead, smoothing took place during the statistical analysis of these data sets to develop the NotCal04 mean best-fit line. By using the mid-point of the mean best-fit line, Mellars artificially improves the apparent precision of calibrated ages in his Fig. 3; even 'infinitely' old ages are reported with improved precision, whereas calibration almost invariably results in age ranges that are significantly larger than the radiocarbon measurement error.

    It's a bad sign when your method improves the precision of infinite dates. In fact, you always add to the variance of a measurement when you multiply it by some correction that itself entails measurement error.

    But Mellars' central point was not principally about the ages of particular sites, but instead about the total time taken by modern humans to invade Europe. Can we still get an estimate of a reduced time period for this "invasion" if we use the calibrated dates properly?

    To answer that, we need to look at two graphs. First, the graph used by Mellars (2006) to support the idea that the total time taken by modern humans to occupy Europe was short:

    Radiocarbon dates for sites from West Asia and Europe, Figure 3 of Mellars (2006). Sites numbered as in original text.

    You can see in this graph the effect of "calibration", at least according to Mellars -- it reduces the statistical error associated with each date. Indeed, the caption to this figure says:

    Owing to the slope of the calibration curves, the error bars ( 1 s.d.) on the calibrated dates are smaller than those on the uncalibrated dates.

    A moment's reflection reveals this to be a nonsensical statement. The error bars may be attributable either to measurement error (in the proportion of 14C) or to calibration error (relating the current proportion to the original atmospheric proportion). But these error estimates are applied to dates in "radiocarbon years" -- meaning that they don't include possible error in the original atmospheric proportion. Indeed, if they did include this error, these error bars would have to stretch to cover the NotCal-produced dates!

    But the "slope of the calibration curve" certainly can't reduce error due to measurement in the sample. At best, the current calibration can predict that a given date must represent a slightly larger number of half-lifes than the uncalibrated date, because the original atmospheric proportion of 14C was higher than today. It can't reduce the standard error due to measurement, and therefore won't reduce the confidence interval on the date as reported in radiocarbon years (it certainly may reduce the total error, which is usually overlooked).

    To understand how Mellars came to this erroneous conclusion -- and to see how it affects his assertion regarding the time period of modern human dispersal -- we need to consider the NotCal04 calibration curve itself:

    Radiocarbon calibration data, Figure 1 from Turney et al. (2006). I added the pink rectangular regions. The lower pink rectangles represent the low variance on dates drawn from the NotCal correlation region, as apparently Mellars did. The upper, wide, pink rectangles represent the error that might be assigned to the full calibration process, including uncertainties in the underlying calibration data. In other words, they encompass the range of calendar dates that might be attributed to different samples of a single radiocarbon date. This error range does not necessarily include measurement error (except insofar as error on calibration samples is distributed just like error on fossil samples.

    OK, you probably read the caption, so you get the gist of this picture and my pink rectangle additions. In short, the width of the NotCal calibration is very narrow, because it is a summary of many data sets. But the dispersion within those original data sets is very high. This means that for any given radiocarbon date, there is actually a very wide interval of possible calibrated dates that it might represent. The range of this dispersion is high partly because it includes dates from different regions and raw materials (here, mostly coral and shells) -- and these are exactly the kinds of problems that create variance in archaeological radiocarbon dates. So we should be looking at wide error bars -- much wider than we are used to doing.

    Making this source of error explicit certainly doesn't decrease the error bars of measurements -- it vastly increases the error bars. This is a good thing -- it is a more accurate understanding of the potential error in radiocarbon dates.

    But what can we conclude about the time interval represented by early modern humans (or more properly, of early Aurignacian sites, since it is far from demonstrated that they were left by modern humans) and their dispersal across Europe?

    Looking at the Mellars graph, his interpretation is apparent from his numbers. The leftmost European site on his graph is number 4, Bacho Kiro. It is estimated at more than 43,000 radiocarbon years; Mellars put it at more than 46,000 "calibrated" years. The youngest site (17, Roc de Combe) is 35,000 radiocarbon years; Mellars put it at 40,000 "calibrated" years. So the interval from oldest to youngest is 11,000 radiocarbon years, compared to only 6,000 "calibrated" years, according to Mellars:

    [W]e can now see from the new calibrated chronology that this must be shortened to at most about 6,000 yr (at least in the more central and northern parts of Europe), with periods of overlap within the individual regions of Europe (such as western France) of perhaps only 1,000-2,000 yr. Evidently the native Neanderthal populations of Europe succumbed much more rapidly to competition from the expanding biologically and behaviourally modern populations than previous estimates have generally assumed.

    But again, this is quite plainly wrong. First, it assumes the reduction in length of the error bars, which the calibration process shows must actually be greatly increased in length. And second, it ignores the visually apparent "kink" in the calibration curve over just the time range represented by the early Aurignacian. That "kink" means that true dates over a very wide time range will come out with the same radiocarbon date estimate.

    And remember that Neandertals persisted well after 40,000 years in the sequence, with a number of dates after 33,000 years ago now (and possibly as recent as 28,000). These dates are radiocarbon years, and calibrated dates might be older (and closer to the early Aurignacian "calibrated" dates). But they don't fit into the blitzkrieg model very readily.

    The real question is whether the radiocarbon data address the pattern of change in biology and archaeology -- a sudden shift might still be a piecewise or mosaic transition, and a long shift might nevertheless have discrete boundaries. I think there is sufficient evidence that the transition in Europe was mosaic in character. From there, the pace of change (and migration or gene flow) might be 6000 years or 20,000, it doesn't much matter from the perspective of pattern. On the other hand, folks interested in climatic forcing and other more time-centric scenarios might care very deeply about whether we are looking at a short or long timeframe.

    In any event, it is safe to conclude that the evidence for a rapid dispersal based on these data is pretty much all based on faulty statistics.

    By the way -- has anybody else noticed that the vast preponderance of totally wrong research lately has been in Nature?

    References:

    Mellars P. 2006. A new radiocarbon revolution and the dispersal of modern humans in Eurasia. Nature 439:931-935. DOI link

    Turney CSM, Roberts RG, Jacobs Z. 2006. Archaeology: Progress and pitfalls in radiocarbon dating. Nature 443:E3. DOI link

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