john hawks weblog

paleoanthropology, genetics and evolution

Neandertals

  • Neandertal anti-defamation files, 15

    Sun, 2012-02-12 21:10 -- John Hawks

    David Swindle, writing at PJ Media about George Lucas' revelation that Han Solo would never have shot first.

    Here’s the medicine we all need to swallow: as children we were more grown up than George Lucas is now as an adult. Han Solo’s entire character rested on what we saw in that early scene in the film. In shooting first Han Solo was a role model doing what any Real Man was supposed to do. Now we know that character only existed in our imaginations, not his creator’s. And that George Lucas regards most of his fans as amoral neanderthals.

    Han shooting first has appeared previously here. It's quite obvious that any moral Neandertal would have shot first, too. No one who brought us midichlorians can be trusted on matters of morality.

  • Piltdown and Presapiens

    Mon, 2012-02-06 00:46 -- John Hawks

    Robin McKie has a feature article about the Piltdown hoax in the Observer today, that makes good reading for those who may not know the history of this case: "Piltdown Man: British archaeology's greatest hoax".

    The man [Dawson] had more form than Professor Moriarty. There would be no need to look any further, were it not for some nagging doubts – including one of Chris Stringer's. It's the cricket bat that gets him. "It was huge but apparently everyone missed it until the end of the dig. Until then everything had been carefully engineered: the skull fragments and artefacts, all made to look alike. And then the cricket bat turns up. It is bizarre and only makes sense if you conclude someone wanted to alert the authorities that fraud was going on, but did not want to do so publicly, perhaps to avoid bringing disgrace to the museum. So they planted something so ridiculous that everyone would surely realise it was a fake, a laugh. Unfortunately, everyone took it seriously."

    The Natural History Museum will start some new analyses hoping to match the chemical signatures in the bones to a box of dyes and chemicals later found in the possessions of Martin Hinton, an NHM scientist often suspected to have been involved in the hoax. Maybe they'll uncover other facts pertinent to the case.

    One of the interesting things I've noticed over the past decade is that Piltdown is passing into obscurity. I find it so fascinating, because Piltdown was the most celebrated "fossil" purported to prove that Neandertals had nothing to do with human ancestry. When it was found, Piltdown was argued to be Pliocene in age! Its very humanlike braincase from much earlier than the Neandertals made it seem that there were different types of humans coexisting throughout our evolution. Piltdown was not the first such specimen -- the Galley Hill skeleton had been found in 1888, some more fragmentary pieces even earlier. Over time, still more specimens were argued to represent a similar pattern -- very modern-looking skulls at very early dates. Anthropologists of the 1910's made a claim that we've often heard expressed as a "revolutionary" idea: human evolution was a bush, not a ladder, and Neandertals belonged to an extinct twig.

    We now appreciate that these "early" specimens simply weren't real evidence about the early evolution of modern humans. In the first half of the 20th century, no direct dating of specimens was possible. Site excavations often did not uncover slumping layers or intrusive burials of later skeletons into earlier archaeological horizons. Piltdown was the only outright hoax, but there were many errors of archaeological judgment that pointed in the same direction.

    That story obviously changed greatly over the years. The hoax was exposed in 1953, but its shadow would be much longer. In 1954, Henri Vallois presented the "Praesapiens theory", a set of ideas that had been coalescing in the writings of several continental anthropologists for a dozen years [1]. Vallois combined two ideas: Neandertals were too specialized to be ancestors to Aurignacian and later peoples, and these more "modern" forms did have antecedents much earlier in the fossil record of Europe. By that time, not only Piltdown but a long list of other supposed "Praesapiens" specimens had been debunked. Vallois admitted that only two were left: the Fontechevade remains and the Swanscombe skull. But after more than fifty years of commitment to a non-Neandertal human ancestor in Europe, these last scraps were enough for many anthropologists to keep the idea alive.

    It is fascinating to see how Vallois dealt with Piltdown in his account of the discredited Praesapiens specimens:

    The arguments that have risen round the Piltdown remains are too recent and too close to the feelings for there to be any reason to dwell on this very celebrated find. The researches initiated by Weiner, Oakley & Le Gros Clark have, it seems definitively, shown the lack of age of the human remains and their fraudulent introduction into the site, at the same time as they established, and still more categorically, that the mandible belonged to an ape. No good grounds would exist for returning to these facts if they had not been utilized by some anthropologists as an argument against the existence of Praesapiens. Now if, at the time of its discovery, the so-called Eoanthropus had been considered as a precocious representative of modern man, it would have been quickly rejected from the phylum of the latter by the reason of the aberrant features of its mandible. Almost all the genealogical trees placed it on a side branch without descendants. Well before the sensational disclosures referred to [citing papers debunking the hoax], the idea of Praesapiens had not for a long time relied on Piltdown man, whose exclusion from human fossils properly so called does not thus affect the essentials of the problem.

    I guess that's what they call "leading with your jaw." Vallois included a figure that illustrates the phylogenetic schemes of many previous scholars with respect to Piltdown's position:

    Vallois 1954, figure 4, showing position of Piltdown on human phylogenies

    Figure 4 from Vallois 1954. The original caption reads as follows: "Schematic representation of the genealogical trees of Homo sapiens and Homo neanderthalensis according to different authors: I Pilgrim (1915), II Elliot Smith (1924), III Keith (1927), IV Osborn (1927), V Hooton (1946), VI Kälin (1952). Sap = Homo sapiens, N = Homo neanderthalensis, P = Piltdown, S = Swanscombe, F = Fontéchevade. The broken line indicates the lower limit of the Pleistocene."

    By claiming that all these phylogenies placed Piltdown as an extinct side-branch, Vallois was deflecting the issue. It is conventional to depict a fossil on its own branch, for one can never ascertain certainly that a specimen has descendants. In these days before cladograms (which necessarily would give a specimen its own branch), authors used branch length as an indicator not only of closeness of relationship but also of their confidence in the assertion. At any rate, Vallois chose these to illustrate every possible position -- Piltdown as basal to humans together with Neandertals, Piltdown as modern human ancestor, Piltdown within the variation of humans, closer to some living races than others (as in Hooton's diagram). Vallois is correct that many anthropologists never accepted Piltdown as a modern human antecedent -- of course, many of those never believed that Piltdown was anything other than a scientific mistake. It is entirely understandable that the Praesapiens proponents wanted to bury Piltdown as quickly as possible. Piltdown did not, as Vallois wrote, affect the essentials of the problem. But the hoax worked precisely because so many anthropologists believed that a non-Neandertal human ancestor should exist.

    The idea of an African origin for modern humans bears a resemblance to the Praesapiens idea, and does share some of its intellectual history. Louis Leakey explicitly hypothesized an African Praesapiens form, and argued that the Kanam jaw and Kanjera fossil hominins represented it. But the later development of the Out of Africa model drew from another deep tradition that interpreted evolutionary transitions as a series of radiations from an evolutionary center. That's another story, one that begins from a very different legacy than the Piltdown idea.


    References

    1. Vallois HV. 1954. Neanderthals and presapiens. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 84:111–130.
    Synopsis: 
    The intellectual legacy of a hoax and its affect on our view of Neandertals as ancestors
  • Low-velocity spatter from the Neandertal palette

    Sat, 2012-01-28 16:43 -- John Hawks

    Paleolithic archaeology is the home of some of the best forensic work anywhere. I've often written about impressive analyses of stable isotopes, microscopic starch grains, phytoliths, and wear traces on artifacts. Among these, some of the most detailed studies involve the use of pigments by ancient people. Out of these, last week's paper by Wil Roebroeks and colleagues [1] really stands out by wringing every drop of information out of an ancient archaeological horizon.

    I wrote last fall about the pigment "workshop" at Blombos, South Africa, which is around 100,000 years old ("Blombos pigment workshop"). And some time ago I wrote extensively about pigment use among Mousterian-era Neandertals ("Pigment use and symbolic behavior in the Neandertals"). These kinds of studies face many challenges. If a mineral pigment has been used by ancient people, it will often exist in a site only in tiny pieces. At best, some accumulation of the mineral pigment might give an indication of intentional use by ancient people. In this case, the material was scattered in a dozen or so tiny droplets over a diameter of 15 meters.

    Mineral pigments have uses other than decoration. Sometimes they were used as part of a formula to make glue, which we can find still adhering to the back end of stone points. Ochre may also have been used in the process of softening animal hides. These uses were reviewed by Lyn Wadley [2], who has done more than anyone to uncover the ways MSA people processed ochre in South Africa. Pigments were used by humans as early as 200,000 years ago in Africa, and earlier than 100,000 years ago in West Asia (Skhul and Qafzeh [3]) and Europe.

    The new study by Roebroeks and colleagues extends the time of pigment use in Europe to earlier than 200-250,000 years ago, which is newsworthy. It is notable that this time is early enough to suggest that the common ancestral population of European and African archaic humans may have also used pigment (or have been capable of learning to use it given the right cultural or ecological conditions). But to me, much more interesting is the way the red ochre was discovered in the archaeological site, and the experimental replication of the process by which it was deposited.

    In the course of the archeological excavations, one of the sites, site C (excavated between 1981 and 1983), yielded 15 small concentrates of red material, with maximum size of 0.2–0.9 cm and 0.1–0.3 cm thick, with sharp boundaries to the sedimentary matrix (Figs. 1 and 2). The contrast in color between the bright- red concentrates and the yellowish-brown (Munsell soil color 2.5Y5/3) to grayish-olive (5Y5/3) sediment was striking (Fig. 2), facilitating recovery of these small, friable pieces at this site, excavated over an area of 264 m2 (Fig. 3). Although the red material has been interpreted as hematite (15, 23), these finds did not play a role in the history of ochre use, even though Maastricht-Belvédère became one of the flagship sites of Middle Paleolithic archeology, reviewed extensively in numerous textbooks (24).

    These hematite features are pictured in several ways in the article and supplement. They are tiny: here is one of them, on a piece of sediment that was removed in total from the site:

    Red ochre droplet from Roebroeks et al 2012 supplement

    Detail of Figure S4 from Roebroeks et al. 2012 supplement, showing red hematite concentration upon sediment fragment removed from site.

    It is simply remarkable to me that this excavation in the early 1980s uncovered an ancient sediment horizon using such great care that these tiny patches of red ochre were found. All were only a few millimeters in size. They were highly visible against the surrounding sediment, which helps to confirm that they don't belong there. Other aspects of the archaeology were likewise carried out meticulously. For example, the paper presents two refits of flakes and cores taken from the site, demonstrating that primary reduction of stone artifacts happened there with some products taken away from the site.

    The paper notes the lack of hematite in local contexts where people might have found it, arguing that it must have been imported from a distance of at least 40 km from a natural source. The archaeological presence of contemporary tools taken in the opposite direction toward that hematite source helps support this argument. Forty kilometers isn't terribly far for hunter-gatherers, but it is interesting.

    The experimental aspect of the paper is only sketched out in the text, and is described much more fully and illustrated in the supplement. Roebroeks and colleagues, looking at the small patches scattered across a diameter of 15 meters, guessed that they were a low-velocity spatter dropped from some kind of liquid. So they set out to reproduce it:

    We hypothesize that the best explanation is that the fine hematite material was originally concentrated in a liquid solution, and that blobs of this ochre-rich substance became embedded in the sediments during use of the liquid,spilled on the soil surface. To test this interpretation, we performed an experiment to observe the impact of drops of a hematite-rich liquid on the site C sediment (SI Text). Despite the limitations of this experiment, the similarity of the experimentally produced concentrates to the archeological concentrates at both macroscopic and microscopic levels is remarkable (SI Text) and lend support to our interpretation of how the material entered the sediment.

    The experiments are illustrated very nicely in the supplementary information for the paper. Here's one of the photos:

    Red ochre droplet experiment, figure S10, B from Roebroeks et al 2012

    Figure S10b from the supplement of Roebroeks et al. 2012. Original caption: "(A and B) Experimental hematite dots created on a 'smoothed' dry surface (50-cm height, 0.3-cm drops). The concentrates are within small craters produced during impact of the drops on the dry sediment."

    Their "hematite liquid" consisted of ground mineral combined with rainwater, "launched" from a height of a half meter. Sounds like something that should be for sale in a natural cosmetics store.

    What were these ancient people doing with liquid ochre? Good question. Given the unique care of excavation, the local context in which the mineral is highly visible in the fine sediment, I wonder how many other instances of similar deposits may have been lost over the years. It is sometimes excruciating to wait for results from an archaeological discovery, but the extremely slow and careful excavation methods do obtain results that could not be gotten any other way.

    I was privileged to see some details from another excavation this week, where even greater care is being taken. It's totally remarkable some of the things that are out there waiting to be found.


    References

    Synopsis: 
    A discovery of red ochre use by ancient Europeans before 250,000 years ago
  • Mailbag: Denisovans of the North?

    Wed, 2012-01-11 08:46 -- John Hawks

    Re: Neandertals of the North.

    I’m a chemist but I keep a youth love for paleoanthropology and I’m reading with pleasure your blog. Thank you for writing it.

    In the page “Neandertals of the North” I’ve read about the hypothesis that, having found ‘mousterian-style’ tools, the site was inhabited by Neandertals.

    I have a curiosity: Neandertals and Denisovans were cousins (more closely related than Neandertal and modern humans). What do we know about Denisovans lithic culture? Was it similar to Mousterian or very different?

    You wrote that many archaeologists concluded that Neandertals couldn’t cope with the climate change (Heinrich VI event) and explained this way the last findings in southern Europe. Byzovaya seems against this tendency.

    Comparing the distribution area of Neandertal and Denisovans, the first ones lived in southern Europe and Middle East while the second ones lived in continental Asia. Denisova is in the very center of Eurasia: continental weather with deep freezing winters even nowadays with this favorable weather (I searched the weather forecast of today of Barnaul (just 150 Km from Denisova Cave) finding this night -25°C/-13°F)

    From a climatic point of view the Denisovan were the tough guys of the northern emisphere…and they had no vodka to warm up their nights (!)

    About weather, the Heinrich effect causing a shift in the oceanic currents is very effective in Europe but, as far as you go in inner Eurasia (continental weather), the lower is its effect. (or I imagine so, maybe I’m wrong)

    Could be that the lithic culture of Denisovan were very similar to Neandertal culture and that the Byzovaya findings are Denisovan versions of Mousterian?

    Could be that searching in Byzovaya, a so cold place, we’ll be so happy to find even better preserved bones for DNA analysys?

    Thanks so much for your message.

    Yes, I agree with you that the existence of Mousterian people in the Arctic is pretty strong evidence about their ability to survive a climate extreme. I think they would have eaten a Heinrich event for lunch.

    The Denisova stone assemblage is distinguishable from other Mousterian, but I would say it is not qualitatively different. The situation in the Altai is archaeologically very complex, also, so I do not think we have a secure understanding of the relation of the Denisovan biological population and the stone artifactual record. Seems clear there is not a radically different intrusive culture but I would not be very hopeful about finding strong archaeological connections to other parts of East or Southeast Asia.

    Cold places are always hopeful for DNA recovery; hope they find some human remains.

  • Stature estimates for Sima de los Huesos

    Tue, 2012-01-10 00:44 -- John Hawks

    José-Miguel Carretero and colleagues [1] report on the lengths of long bones from Sima de los Huesos, Spain. I've long been hoping this research would come out, because we've gotten interested in the pattern of body size as an aspect of evolution in early Homo.

    Sima de los Huesos is the single largest sample of fossil Homo, and Carretero and colleagues include 27 mostly complete long bones in their sample. That's around a dozen fewer than the entire sample of Neandertal long bones. This one site has more long bones than the rest of the Early and Middle Pleistocene combined.

    Here are the tibiae, for example:

    Tibiae from Sima de los Huesos

    Complete tibiae from Sima de los Huesos, from Carretero et al. [1], figure 2.

    The paper shows that the Sima hominins averaged a bit taller than Neandertals for most of the long bones.

    That conclusion isn't quite as simple as it might look, because the sample of male Neandertal femora actually average 3 mm longer than the Sima de los Huesos femora. Both samples have more than double the number of males as females, so the male comparison draws on a much larger sample size. The Neandertal male femoral sample is biased a bit high by the inclusion of both left and right femora from Amud, the tallest of the Neandertal skeletons. The tibia sample gives a substantially shorter stature for Neandertal males, both because Amud isn't there, and because the limb proportions of Neandertals have short tibiae relative to their femora.

    That's the problem of using stature estimates instead of simple bone lengths: Nothing's simple. Fossil samples impose some limits on the kind of analyses we can undertake. Carretero and colleagues address stature both because of its biological relevance and because estimating stature is the most reasonable way we can incorporate different long bones into a single size comparison. But considering stature introduces some problems of estimation. We can't be sure how many individuals are represented by the long bones. We can determine a minimum: Six right tibiae came from a minimum of six bodies, for example. But if two arm bones and a leg bone all came from the same skeleton, that individual will be represented three times within this sample, and we don't have a way to exclude that possibility. Worse, estimating stature requires a regression drawn from some population, but that population may have different proportions than the fossils. In this case, Neandertals and the Sima de los Huesos samples probably have different crural indices, the ratio of the length of the tibia to the length of the femur. So statures estimated from these bone lengths based on some recent human population will have systematic biases due to the different proportions in the fossil populations.

    Carretero and colleagues note that most of the bones (humerus, radius, tibia) have shorter average statures in the Neandertal sample compared to the Sima de los Huesos sample. The femora and ulnae are longer in the male Neandertals. All the bones that can be compared are shorter in the female Neandertals than the female Sima de los Huesos individuals. It's probably a good bet that the Sima people were a bit taller than Neandertals. Still, the tall West Asian Amud skeleton points to the possibility of variation among Neandertals from different regions.

    The differences between Neandertals and the Sima de los Huesos sample are quite small compared to the much taller statures attributed to modern humans from West Asia (Skhul and Qafzeh). These skeletons are more ancient than most of the Neandertal sample, but at 100,000 years old, much later than the other skeletal samples included in the paper including Sima de los Huesos. The authors make a strong point of this, suggesting that tall stature is a fundamentally new feature of the evolution of modern humans (which they equate with "early H. sapiens"):

    As we have shown here, ‘medium height’ and ‘above-medium height’ people seem to characterize the primitive Homo biotype, while a ‘very tall’ body characterizes the derived biotype. The heights proposed for all fossil human species, except early H. sapiens, seem to average around 165–170 cm, although tall individuals exist within all samples (e.g., Amud 1, Kabwe and Jinniushan). It is only the first H. sapiens that are consistently and dramatically taller. Therefore, the evolution of stature (and perhaps also body size and shape) in humans seems to have been characterized by a long period of stasis during which the primitive body plan shared by the different Homo species varied rather little in stature throughout the Pleistocene, until the rapid appearance 200 ka of a new species with a new biotype, the ‘light’ H. sapiens.

    The paper's broad assertion is that Early and Middle Pleistocene humans everywhere in the world shared the same basic body plan, with stature around 165-170 cm (for males) and relatively broad pelves. The reference to modern humans as "light" concerns the relatively narrower pelvis of recent humans.

    I have no disagreement about the issue of pelvic breadth, although it deserves a separate review. But the stature of the Skhul-Qafzeh sample is neither very extreme nor is it typical of other Late Pleistocene or Holocene modern human samples. I will reprint a quote from my 2007 post about the statures of the Dmanisi hominins ("News flash: Dmanisi hominids were not short"):

    Pretty and colleagues (1998) studied an archaeological sample of Aboriginal Australians from the Murray River region. Using stature estimation methods for the tibia, femur and humerus, they found that males in their sample (n=55) had an average stature of 166 cm and females (n=40) an average of around 153 cm. Wells (1952) reported a mean for !Khu (Northern Bushmen) males of 158 cm and females of 148 cm, both with standard deviations around 5 cm. Ruff (2000) puts the average stature of males at Pecos Pueblo at 161.2 cm with a range from 155 to 168 cm. In the KNM-WT 15000 monograph, Ruff and Walker (1993) report the average stature of African population samples, excluding Pygmies, as 162.3 cm. And although it is common knowledge that the Early Upper Paleolithic people of Europe were tall, the average male stature in the Late Upper Paleolithic was around 166 cm, and the average female stature around 153 cm (Formicola and Giannecchini 1999) -- virtually the same as Australians.

    The Skhul and Qafzeh people were indeed tall relative to these other human samples, with male skeletal elements yielding stature estimates from 170-190 cm. The average stature of American men today is 176 cm. Holliday [2] showed that early Upper Paleolithic males had an average stature around 170 cm. According to Carretero and colleagues, the average Sima de los Huesos adult male had a stature around 168-170 cm. And as they note, taller individuals with stature estimates of 180 cm or more are present in the Early and Middle Pleistocene sample -- most notably the large Kabwe tibia, but we can also mention KNM-ER 1808 and KNM-ER 736 from the Early Pleistocene of Kenya.

    I disagree with the paper's suggestion that modern humans represent a new pattern of tall stature compared to earlier humans. I propose instead as a null hypothesis that human stature has not changed systematically since the Early Pleistocene.

    That doesn't mean human stature hasn't evolved. Human populations today are variable in stature, and they were in the recent past. We have pygmy populations with statures that average 150 cm or less in males, and peoples with statures that average close to 180 cm. Tall and short-statured populations today live in nearly every region, or did so in early Holocene times. Some of the variation in stature among populations is nutritional, some is additive, and both sources of variation appear to have emerged repeatedly in different contexts in recent human evolution.

    I suggest that pattern of variability would also have been present in earlier populations of humans. The differences between Neandertals and early Upper Paleolithic Europeans and the Skhul-Qafzeh sample were substantial but do not exceed the differences among recent human populations. The human stature adaptation is variable within a relatively broad niche, and has been so for nearly 2 million years.


    References

    Synopsis: 
    The long bones of the Atapuerca people double our information about early human statures
  • Looking over a Neandertal's shoulder

    Sat, 2012-01-07 18:04 -- John Hawks

    A study by Di Vincenzo, Steven Churchill and Giorgio Manzi has fallen into the early drawer of the Journal of Human Evolution: "The Vindija Neanderthal scapular glenoid fossa: Comparative shape analysis suggests evo-devo changes among Neanderthals" [1]. The authors do a very nice job taking a long-studied anatomical feature and reframing its variation within a new context. Reading through its discussion, I find much to like in the way Di Vincenzo and colleagues deal with the variation of late Neandertals and integrate the concept of introgressive gene flow among Late Pleistocene populations.

    The glenoid fossa is the part of the scapula that articulates with the head of the humerus. It's the base of the "socket" in the ball-and-socket joint of the shoulder -- indeed, "glenoid" comes from the Greek word for "socket". Roughly shaped like a rounded teardrop, the glenoid is narrower in early hominins and relatively broad in recent people. Neandertals have an intermediate form compared to earlier and later humans.

    Figure 1 from Di Vincenzo et al. 2012, showing glenoid fossa of Vi-209

    Figure 1 from Di Vincenzo et al [1]. Original caption: "The scapular fragment VI-209 and its stratigraphic position (arrow) within the Mousterian layers of complex G of Vindija cave (left) according to Malez et al. (1980). On the right, the configuration of the 60 semi-landmarks used in the analysis is superimposed on the SGF profile. Sliding points are filled. The stratigraphic column is from Janković et al. (2006). Photograph by Milford H. Wolpoff."

    The main point of the study is that the Vindija glenoid specimen, Vi-209, has a more humanlike form than other Neandertals. Another conclusion based on the comparative sample is that the sample of glenoids from late Neandertals is intermediate between early Neandertals and recent people. Likewise, Upper Paleolithic and Mesolithic-era European specimens are intermediate between late Neandertals and recent people. Here's a graph with the first and second principal components of the variation; I've highlighted these groups.

    Figure 3a from Di Vincenzo et al. 2012

    Figure 2a from Di Vincenzo et al. [1]. Altered to include sample names: Krapina, "Classic" and West Asian Neandertals, Vi-209, and Upper Paleolithic/Mesolithic. X-axis is the first principal component of variation based on analysis of the whole sample, Y-axis the second principal component.

    The first principal component basically depends on the relative breadth of the glenoid fossa, with living people being much broader and Australopithecus (represented by Sterkfontein Sts 7 and Malapa MH2) being much narrower relative to the overall size of the fossa. The authors tested and rejected the hypothesis that the apparent trend could be a simple effect of size. This test was carried out relative to glenoid size, and since Australopithecus had relatively large shoulders compared to Homo, size does not vary much across the hominin sample. It would be useful to consider whether body size might matter, but body size would not by itself explain the relations of the later members of the genus Homo.

    The authors emphasize that the data are consistent with a single evolutionary trend within the genus Homo, so that the Neandertal-human difference should be interpreted within the context of this broader pattern. They propose a specific developmental hypothesis.

    Therefore, it seems reasonable that heterochronic factors related to the prolonged developmental pattern of our species (Smith et al., 2007a), which contrasts with the faster growth rates of Neanderthals and other ‘archaic’ hominins (Smith et al., 2007b; but see; Guatelli-Steinberg et al., 2005), led to longer periods of bone deposition along the inferior-lateral edge of the SGF [scapular glenoid fossa]. This could explain the observed variation along PC1 (and/or CV1) for different morphs of the genus Homo, reaching in H. sapiens the greatest extent in width of the SGF and, particularly, of its scapular portion. This is also consistent with the observation by Churchill and Trinkaus (1990) that much of the variability of the glenoid surface is a function of size variation of the joint itself, which can be viewed as forming a single functional matrix sensu Moss and Young (1960). Thus, the overall reduction in developmental rates in the genus Homo (relative to those of other hominoids) across the Pleistocene may account for the general evolutionary trend in SGF shape seen in the fossils, with more marked changes in developmental rates between archaic (including Neanderthals) and early modern humans, producing somewhat more dramatic differences between these groups in joint shape. Green et al. (2010) suggest that some of the differences between Neanderthals and modern humans in shoulder and thoracic morphology (particularly those related to clavicular length) are attributable to differences in the RUNX2/CBFA1 gene. The temporal pattern observed here would suggest that, with respect to SGF shape at least, that some differences are due to overall differences in developmental schedules (rather than specific differences in genes controlling development of the shoulder, such as RUNX2/CBFA1 or HoxC6).

    By suggesting at least one actual genetic substitution in recent humans, they lend some plausibility to the idea. I am more hesitant to accept the assumption that Neandertals had faster developmental schedules than recent people, although it could be true. This specific assumption is not necessary to support the idea of heterochronic change in the glenoid, which could be caused by much more focused developmental processes. If glenoid shape reflects heterochronic developmental changes, the data suggest that those changes were ongoing in global populations during the Holocene. Indeed, the difference between recent people in the study and Upper Paleolithic Europeans is as great as the difference between late Neandertals and Upper Paleolithic Europeans. The study's recent human sample covers a broad geographic distribution but is relatively small in numbers; a fuller comparison of recent people might uncover a more interesting pattern of change.

    The scapula has long figured in discussions of Neandertal genetic persistence. Neandertal scapulae often have a sulcus (groove) on the dorsal (back) aspect of the axillary border, and this feature is also found in a high fraction of early Upper Paleolithic skeletons [2] The axillary border morphology probably has no functional or developmental correlation with the glenoid morphology, so these features are best viewed as separate issues. I mention the axillary border only because of one significant commonality with the glenoid as considered here: We don't know how much variation in the trait may be explained by environment. Maybe the way an individual uses her arms when growing will affect the form of the scapula? With the axillary border, this question has occupied many researchers who tried to determine why some humans resemble some Neandertals and vice versa [3]. The current consensus is that a dorsal axillary sulcus probably reflects early developmental processes that are substantially influenced by genetics instead of shoulder activity pattern, but the consensus is not without detractors.

    In this study, the authors consider the role of introgressive gene flow among Pleistocene populations as a way to maintain the apparently continuous trend:

    The morphology of the SGF [scapular glenoid fossa] is unlikely to be under the genetic control of a single locus. Thus, it is more likely that regulatory genes controlling developmental rates overall produce pleiotropic effects throughout the skeleton. The introduction of these and other (non-regulatory) alleles into the Neanderthal populations of the Near East, and their movement by gene flow across Neanderthal demes into southern Europe (well in advance of the actual in-migration of modern humans) could account for mosaic morphology seen in the Vindija G3 Neanderthals, including the Vi-209 scapula. Introgression and subsequent gene flow would not be expected to have affected early Neanderthal populations (those predating the admixture), nor late Neanderthal populations from western (trans-Alpine) Europe, because they were separated by geographic barriers ( [Fabre et al., 2009] and [Degioanni et al., 2011] ), and/or protected from gene flow by distance (as hypothesized by Voisin, 2006).

    There is as yet no evidence that the Vindija Neandertal genomes have genetic introgression from the African populations from which present non-Africans derive most of their genetic heritage. Green and colleagues [4] tested explicitly for this kind of gene flow, from "modern" into Neandertal populations and found none.

    And yet, the latest Neandertals are consistently similar to recent people in ways that earlier Neandertals were not. The glenoid fossa of Vi-209 is not an isolated case, it joins many other characteristics in this sample (as noted in the quote above) and other Neandertal samples after 45,000 years ago.

    Frankly, I expect that the admixture estimates presented thus far will prove to be wrong. I could be wrong in this expectation, but there are many assumptions underlying genetic analyses of admixture, and it's easy for an incorrect assumption to give rise to an incorrect conclusion. I take the morphological evidence very seriously as a possible "reality-check" about the validity of genetic comparisons. After all, the morphological comparisons predicted introgression from Neandertals in the first place...

    Another reaction to the study by Zachary Cofran: "Evo-devo of the human shoulder?"

    Fabio Di Vincenzo and colleagues analyzed the shape of the outline of the glenoid fossa on the scapula (not to be confused with the glenoid on your skull), from Australopithecus africanus to present day humans. The glenoid fossa is essentially the socket in the ball-and-socket joint of your shoulder. The authors found that there is pretty much a single trend of glenoid shape change from Australopithecus through the evolution of the genus Homo: from the fairly narrow joint in Australopithecus africanus and A. sediba, to the relatively wide joint in recent humans. The overall size and shape of the joint influences/reflects shoulder mobility, so presumably this shape change hints that more front-to-back arm motions became more important through the course of human evolution (authors suggest throwing in humans from the Late Pleistocene onward).

    I think Cofran takes this in an interesting direction with respect to his own dissertation work on development in earlier hominins.


    References

    1. Di Vincenzo F, Churchill SE, and Manzi G. 2011. The Vindija Neanderthal scapular glenoid fossa: Comparative shape analysis suggests evo-devo changes among Neanderthals. Journal of human evolution.
    2. Frayer DW. 1992. The persistence of Neandertal features in post-Neandertal Europeans. In: Bräuer G, Smith FH Continuity or Replacement? Controversies in Homo sapiens Evolution. Continuity or Replacement? Controversies in Homo sapiens Evolution. Rotterdam. p 179–188.
    3. Trinkaus E. 2008. Kiik-Koba 2 and Neandertal axillary border ontogeny. Anthropological Science 116:231 - 236.
    4. Green RE, Krause J, Briggs AW, Maricic T, Stenzel U, Kircher M, Patterson N, Li H, Zhai W, Fritz MH, et al. 2010. A Draft Sequence of the Neandertal Genome. Science [Internet] 328:710–722. Available from: http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.1188021
    Synopsis: 
    A study of the glenoid fossa finds a pattern across the genus Homo, and similarities between a Vindija specimen and more recent humans
  • Neandertal anti-defamation files, 14

    Sat, 2011-12-17 18:48 -- John Hawks

    Another Geico commercial tonight during college football bowl season: Geico Caveman is playing Scrabble with some famous NFL player. Caveman plays "CAT" and is proud of himself. Football jock plays "NEANDERTHAL".

    The usual huffy indignation ensues.

    I suppose it's not really defamatory...but I've come to expect a certain level of entertainment from the Geico Cavemen, and this just fell far short of my standard.

  • Neandertal introgression, 1000 Genomes style

    Sat, 2011-12-10 18:16 -- John Hawks

    For our project to understand pigmentation genetics in archaic humans, we had to find a good comparative sample of sequence data from recent humans. The original publication on the draft Neandertal genomes compared them to five low-coverage genomes from different Old World populations, along with the publicly available genomes from Craig Venter and others [1]. The first publication on the Denisova genome added an additional handful of genomes to these comparisons [2].

    Some of these handful of genomes from living people are more similar to the Neandertal and Denisova genomes than others. That simple fact is the proof that some living people have Neandertal and Denisovan ancestors.

    But until now, the comparison has been limited to a very small number of human genomes. That became a focus for critics of the Neandertal and Denisovan results. How could three or four genome sequences possibly provide an adequate representation of human variability? We could imagine scenarios in which the similarities between Neandertal and humans could be explained by some unsampled population, for example, northeast Africans [3]. Denisova does not present the same problem, because African population structure cannot possibly explain its resemblance to populations in Wallacea, Australia, and Oceania [2] [4]. But to compare either of these genomes, we should seek a broader sampling of genomes from living people.

    As I wrote yesterday, my students and I have been working to understand pigmentation genetics of the archaic human genomes ("Pigmentation of archaic humans: introduction"). I've emphasized the need to break the analysis into small steps. For this question, we need to examine whether the pattern of introgression around pigmentation genes is characteristic of the genome as a whole. If genes involved in pigmentation have systematically higher or lower levels of Neandertal ancestry, that will tell us a lot about the evolutionary history of pigmentation in recent and archaic humans. For this, we need a good comparative sample, and the 1000 Genomes Project provides the best sample available.

    The first step in assessing the pattern of introgression for pigmentation genes is to characterize the pattern of introgression across the whole genome.

    Yes, a whole-genome introgression analysis sounds awfully big for my "small steps" concept. But actually this is simpler than it might sound. Here's a teaser:

    The figures in this post are not from a whole-genome analysis; they include data from eight chromosomes that we prioritized because of our pigmentation analysis. I am licensing all of them under a Creative Commons ShareAlike license so that anyone can use them anywhere.

    UPDATE (2011-12-10): I finished the whole genome analysis and am updating this post and figures accordingly. The results are the same throughout, with the exception of the Europe-East Asia comparison, which now shows these populations to be significantly different across the genome as a whole. I have partially updated the figures and will finish these later today.

    The value of sequences

    The 1000 Genomes Project data have been updated several times in the last year, as both sequencing and analysis of the genomes have progressed (more information on 1000 Genomes Project website). We downloaded a release of SNP genotype calls from 1094 individuals, based on the low-coverage (average 4x) sequencing that has been carried out on the sample.

    A SNP (single nucleotide polymorphism) is a nucleotide site with at least two alleles present in the global human sample. These sites represent only one kind of genetic variation in today's populations. Many of the differences between people's genes are caused by insertions, duplications, deletions, transpositions, or inversions. But those kinds of polymorphisms can be challenging to study in low-coverage genomes, and we already understand quite a lot about SNPs in human populations from the earlier HapMap project [5] [6]. The HapMap provided the data underlying our 2007 paper on the acceleration of recent human evolution ("Why human evolution accelerated") [7].

    The drawback of earlier SNP variation projects is that they examined only a subset of SNP variation in a sample of people. To design a microchip that could provide a million or more SNP genotypes from a saliva sample, somebody first had to discover where in the genome SNPs could be found. So they took small samples of people, sometimes only a single person's two copies of the genome, and sequenced. Adding together SNPs found by several methods, they could get a representation of SNP variation across the whole genome in a population. But this process introduced a bias: the SNPs were ascertained in a sample that inevitably could not represent humans in other samples with the same accuracy. Initially, SNP samples were heavily biased toward people of European ancestry (upon whom most genetic work was originally done), and the HapMap project went to great efforts to increase the representation of other populations. But even with the best possible ascertainment, interpreting SNP variation requires us to jump through some theoretical hoops.

    Sequence data make life much easier for the population geneticist. Seriously, working on this stuff on the whiteboard is fun instead of a constant nightmare of sampling biases and spaces between markers. I have a bias myself, in that I find recombination hard to deal with. I love reticulation among populations, but I'd rather work with genealogies that look like proper trees instead of a liana-strewn mess. So looking at sequence data over short intervals makes me happy. Not as happy as beer aged in bourbon barrels, but happy.

    The 1000 Genomes Project SNP files represent every SNP mutation observed in the sample. In other words, these are sequence data, just with all the fixed (and therefore redundant) sites removed. Even so, these sequence data are not perfect. Low coverage means that some rare mutations in the sampled individuals will go unreported. We aren't typically interested in singleton mutations in the sample, except that missing them will introduce a bias upon our estimates of the time that common ancestors lived. Next-gen sequence reads are usually fairly riddled with errors. High coverage allows these errors to be removed with some confidence, but low-coverage genomes risk throwing out real SNPs along with the spurious ones. The publicly available files represent some analytical steps that we do not here control, so we have to work with the understanding that the data are not perfect.

    The 1000 Genomes SNP files have had a phasing algorithm applied to them, which attempts to assign genotypes to chromosomes. In essence, phasing tries to figure out whether adjacent SNP alleles belong to the same copy or to different copies of the same chromosome. The details of this phasing are not yet apparent, and for many reasons I am cautious about using phased data. The inference is often inaccurate for rare mutations, and the whole process tends to sneak assumptions about population history into the resulting dataset. I hate being forced to live with someone else's assumptions about human population history, and I typically try to avoid needing phased data. In this case, it looks like the data over short intervals are as accurate as they can be, given the limitations on coverage and sampling. We have moved forward by applying methods that make a bare minimum of assumptions.

    Counting derived SNP alleles

    David Reich and colleagues came up with an appealingly simple test of introgression, which they applied to both the Neandertal and Denisovan genomes. Eric Durand, Reich, Nick Patterson and Monty Slatkin described the method formally this year [8], which they call the D-statistic. Informally, this has become known as the ABBA-BABA test, after their labels for the discordant genealogies that the test compares. By and large, across the genome, humans living today share many more new mutations with each other than they do with an archaic human like a Neandertal. But sometimes two genomes are different from each other, and one of them shares a new mutation with the Neandertal.

    A human might share a mutation with a Neandertal because it actually isn't very new, and both inherited the mutation from some much more ancient population of humans. This scenario is called "incomplete lineage sorting", because humans today have multiple gene lineages that existed within some very ancient population, instead of these having been "sorted" cleanly into the different human and Neandertal populations. Incomplete lineage sorting does happen a lot between humans, Neandertals, and Denisovans. ILS is the normal mode of variation among recent human populations, who trace their genealogical histories back much further than the earliest "modern" humans. So if one human has a Neandertal allele, and another human has a different allele, it's probably no big deal. They both just inherited gene variants that already existed in our distant common ancestors.

    You can probably see already that if we had a way to estimate the age of an allele, we could tell whether incomplete lineage sorting is a credible explanation for any particular site. I'll leave that point for another post.

    In the meantime, if we pretend that we know nothing at all about the ages of alleles, we must find some other way to tell whether incomplete lineage sorting can explain Neandertal similarities. Reich and colleagues recognized that incomplete lineage sorting from ancient pre-Neandertal ancestors ought to be distributed equally among living people. If we look at every site in the genome where we have data from Neandertals, we should find that one living human genome should look like the Neandertal just as often as another.

    This insight led to their test. Take a pair of humans, count the number of times sequence A is like the Neandertal and sequence B is like a chimpanzee, and then do the inverse — B then A. ABBA-BABA.

    Why a chimpanzee? In most cases the chimpanzee allele will represent the ancestral state for humans. Living people can inherit ancestral alleles from Neandertals as well as derived ones, but the derived ones tend to be rarer and younger within human populations. If one living genome shares an ancestral allele with the Neandertal genome, we don't need incomplete lineage sorting or introgression to explain the pattern. For all we know, such a mutation originated after Neandertals were already gone. So we need to pay attention to the derived mutations, ones that are present in Neandertals but not in chimpanzees. Do a count of these across the genome, and if you find a living genome with significantly more than another, you've found evidence for introgression.

    Ed Green, David Reich and colleagues [1] [2] did a comparison of every possible pair of genomes in their modern human sample. These sequence data were gappy, so that sequence A might share different coverage with B than with sequence C. So it was necessary to consider each pair separately, counting all the sites where both human sequence and the Neandertal and chimpanzee sequences had data.

    The 1000 Genomes Project sample reports genotypes for every SNP for every sampled individual. So in principle, every pair of sequences should have data for every one of these sites. Again, we have to be cautious about the nature of the sequencing, attending to the possibility of systematic biases due to low coverage. But we really don't have to take the time-consuming step of comparing every possible pair of the 2188 resulting haploid genomes. We can just find the derived SNP alleles that are present in Neandertals and count how many of them are in each of the human sequences. If one sequence has significantly more Neandertal derived alleles than another, it had to get them somehow.

    That magic three percent

    The figure at the top of the post represents that count. Every individual in the 1000 Genomes Project dataset has two copies of the autosomal genome. Separating these two copies of the genome (basically arbitrarily) and counting up the shared derived features between each of those copies and the genome of Vindija 33.16, we obtain the histogram. Here it is again:

    The African genomes in the 1000 Genomes sample include Yoruba from Nigeria and Luhya from Kenya. The Asian populations sampled are Japanese and Chinese, including people of Han Chinese ethnicity in Beijing and southern China. The European ancestry samples include the CEU sample from Utah, as well as British, Tuscan, Spanish and Finn samples.

    The histogram shows that Asian and European genomes have significantly more Neandertal derived SNP alleles than do the African genomes. The averages for the Asian and European samples are around 3% higher than the average for the African samples. Whatever gave Africans some degree of similarity to Neandertals, non-Africans seem to have gotten around 3% more of it.

    Green and colleagues [1] assumed conservatively that Africans share derived SNP alleles with Neandertals only because of incomplete lineage sorting from the human-Neandertal ancestral population. This fraction should be the same in all human populations, under the assumption that Africans were mostly isolated from Neandertals for some period of time. The 3% Neandertal bonus outside Africa should then represent introgression from Neandertals into recent populations outside Africa.

    Both previous studies noted that genomes outside Africa are not significantly different in the fraction of derived SNP alleles shared with Neandertals. A genome from China and a genome from France carried the same fraction of shared derived SNP alleles with Neandertals. Here, we've confirmed that basic identity in the level of introgression in these populations.

    I have told several people now that I find the distributions in China and Europe spookily similar. On parts of the genome, the two distributions have means that are not significantly different. Indeed, I worked for a week with an analysis of eight chromosomes, in which the East Asian and European means were fewer than 100 SNP alleles apart. Even across the whole genome, Europeans average only 700 derived SNP alleles more than the East Asian sample. This small difference a bit more than a tenth of a percent) is strongly significant on these sample sizes. A t-test yields a p-value of 1.1 times 10-26 on the difference in means. Even so, the distributions of these two populations overlap across most of their ranges.

    Seeing these hundreds of genomes arrayed on a histogram provides much more information than we had from a handful of genomes. It is remarkable how much dispersion there is among genomes from a single population. Although the means of these two samples are nearly the same, you can see that each of them has a large range of variation in the shared derived SNP alleles with Neandertals. This variation means that people within a single population have very different proportions of Neandertal ancestry.

    This is not a graph of people, but a separation of the two copies of SNP alleles carried by these people. That separation is phased at short scales but arbitrary on the scale of a whole chromosome, so the histogram likely understates the variance among single genomes while it overestimates to some extent the variation among people with their diploid genomes. Still, it looks likely from these comparisons that some people in Europe carry more than a percent higher Neandertal ancestry than the average, and some carry a percent less. We can use statistical methods to test this hypothesis directly as applied to individuals in the sample.

    Neandertal genes in recently admixed populations

    A sample of hundreds of people allows us to demonstrate significant differences among the genomes of different populations. Some of the 1000 Genomes Project samples are from populations that represent historically recent admixture of people who trace their ancestry to different parts of the world.

    For example, the "ASW" population sample includes African-American people who live in the Southwest United States. We know from many other genetic studies that African-Americans vary in the fraction of ancestry they derive from Europeans and from Africans. The average amount of African and European ancestry varies among African-Americans who live in different parts of the U.S., as low as 3% and as high as 20% or more in some parts of the country. The proportion among individuals varies even more. So when we consider the ASW sample, we should expect to see a lot of variation in the number of shared derived SNP alleles with Neandertals, with a mean higher than African populations.

    Which is exactly what we do see:

    The ASW sample overlaps substantially with the Yoruba sample from West Africa (Nigeria) and slightly with the CEU sample, which includes people of European ancestry in Utah. The total in the ASW genomes is more variable than either the Yoruba or CEU population samples. If the higher mean in the ASW genomes reflects European ancestry from a population like CEU, the proportion of European ancestry would be around 17% for that sample of people. It would be hard to tell from these numbers alone how much of the variation in ASW is attributable to variation in ancestry fraction, and how much is expected within a population of homogeneous ancestry. As we'll see in some other populations, there are some appreciable differences among populations within a given region, and ancestry differences may add to the variation among individuals within populations.

    We see a similar pattern when we look at the Puerto Rican sample. Individuals in this sample have some ancestry from European, Native American and African ancestors. The comparisons by Reich and colleagues [2] and Green and colleagues [1] suggested that Native American populations have the same fraction of Neandertal ancestry as other people outside Africa. In the comparison with YRI and CEU samples, Puerto Rican (PUR) genomes are intermediate, with a mean suggesting around 15% ancestry from the West African population.

    The two outlier points in the Puerto Rican sample are the two genome copies from one individual, who we would hypothesize had much higher African ancestry than the average in the sample.

    Next...

    This post has taken me much longer than I expected to get to the point of talking about variation among samples within continental regions. It turns out that, despite the similarity of European and East Asian samples in their averages, there are substantial differences between samples within each of these regions.

    For example, here's a comparison of north and south Chinese samples:

    People of Han Chinese ethnicity sampled in Beijing appear to have on average a half percent more Neandertal ancestry than people of the same ethnicity sampled in southern China. I found these kinds of differences almost everywhere I looked within regions. More later...


    References

    1. Green RE, Krause J, Briggs AW, Maricic T, Stenzel U, Kircher M, Patterson N, Li H, Zhai W, Fritz MH, et al. 2010. A Draft Sequence of the Neandertal Genome. Science [Internet] 328:710–722. Available from: http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.1188021
    2. Reich D, Green RE, Kircher M, Krause J, Patterson N, Durand EY, Viola B, Briggs AW, Stenzel U, Johnson PLF, et al. 2010. Genetic history of an archaic hominin group from Denisova Cave in Siberia. Nature [Internet] 468:1053–1060. Available from: http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/nature09710
    3. Hodgson JA, Bergey CM, and Disotell TR. 2010. Neandertal genome: the ins and outs of African genetic diversity. Current biology : CB 20:R517-9.
    4. Reich D, Patterson N, Kircher M, Delfin F, Nandineni MR, Pugach I, Ko AM-S, Ko Y-C, Jinam TA, Phipps ME, et al. 2011. Denisova admixture and the first modern human dispersals into southeast Asia and oceania. American journal of human genetics 89:516-28.
    5. The International HapMap Consortium. 2005. A Haplotype Map of the Human Genome. Nature [Internet] 437:1299–1320. Available from: http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/nature04226
    6. McVean G, Spencer CCA, and Chaix R. 2005. Perspectives on human genetic variation from the HapMap Project. PLoS genetics 1:e54.
    7. Hawks J, Wang ET, Cochran G, Harpending HC, and Moyzis RK. 2007. Recent acceleration of human adaptive evolution. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, U. S. A. [Internet] 104:20753–20758. Available from: http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.0707650104
    8. Durand EY, Patterson N, Reich D, and Slatkin M. 2011. Testing for ancient admixture between closely related populations. Molecular biology and evolution [Internet]. Available from: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/molbev/msr048
    Synopsis: 
    We're quantifying the amount of Neandertal ancestry in whole genome data from living people.
  • Neandertal cranial anatomy

    Mon, 2011-12-05 00:43 -- John Hawks
    Synopsis: 
    A guide to features that distinguish the skulls of Neandertals

    The Neandertals were Late Pleistocene inhabitants of Europe, and their skeletal remains were among the first fossil humans that scientists recognized as representatives of an ancient human group. The name, “Neandertal” comes from the Neander valley in Germany, where a single partial skeleton was found in 1856. This name originally was spelled “Neanderthal” in written German of the late nineteenth century, and that spelling continues to be a correct alternative used in many scientific and popular publications. Lucky preservation and the great activity level of European archaeologists and pa- leontologists have left a substantial fossil record of the Neandertals, more so than in any other region of the world. The Neandertals persisted until after 30,000 years ago in Western Europe. Fossils with anatomical similarities to the European Neandertals have also been found in West and Central Asia, and are often called Neandertals themselves.

    It can be difficult or impossible to divide Neandertals from other people based on small fossil fragments. Instead of one single feature, usually a constellation of different features contribute to the identification of Neandertal fossils. Because there are so many Neandertal fossils, anthropologists have identified many different features that help to set them apart:

    At this station are some casts Neandertal skulls, in comparison with modern humans. Work at identifying the following features:

    • occipital bun
    • supraorbital torus
    • barrel-shaped vault
    • midfacial prognathism
    • high nasal angle
  • When anthropological and geological facts collide

    Mon, 2011-11-28 01:56 -- John Hawks

    This passage is the first paragraph of the introduction to Franz Weidenreich's monograph, The Skull of Sinanthropus pekinensis [1].

    In my earlier contributions to the study of Early Man I pointed out repeatedly the danger of confusing anthropological facts with geological facts. In determining the character of a given fossil form and its special place in the line of human evolution, only its morphological features should be made the basis of decision; neither the location of the site where it was recovered nor the geological nature of the layer in which it was imbedded [sic] are important. Discrepancies cannot be smoothed out by bringing morphological facts and opposing geological data into closer harmony with artful interpretations or by touching-up reconstructions. It is a generally accepted conception that Man has developed in the course of time by gradual transformation from an ape-like type to the type he presents today. Viewed from this fundamental standpoint, it is logical to assume that the more a form resembles the supposed ancestor the more ancient it will be, or that the more ancient it is the more "primitive" it should be.

    I am concerned with this passage today because of a re-emerging mismatch of evidence from the morphology of Middle Pleistocene humans and the genetics of Neandertals. Some paleoanthropologists have asserted that Europeans of the Middle Pleistocene were the exclusive ancestors of Neandertals. I have in the past written that Middle Pleistocene Europeans were among the ancestors of Neandertals, with sustained gene flow from other populations including Africa [2]. The Sima de los Huesos people, maybe 600,000 years old, resembled the (much) later Neandertals in several aspects of their anatomy, as did other Middle Pleistocene Europeans.

    The genetic differences between living people and the ancient Neandertal genomes appear consistent with the emergence of distinct African and Neandertal populations only within the last 400,000 years or less [3], [4].

    Such a recent date seems a poor match for the morphological evidence of Neandertal ancestry in Europe. I can think of several ways to make these morphological and genetic comparisons concordant with each other, all of which balance some shift in one body of inference against the other. As long as we can't pin down the human mutation rate within a factor of two ("What is the human mutation rate?"), there's a lot of room to make different population models consistent with the genetic data.

    This is, in today's language, Weidenreich's point. Morphological data must be interpreted in accordance with evolutionary principles, and if it doesn't fit a temporal scheme, it doesn't fit. Likewise, genetic similarities must be explained in their own evolutionary framework. These two sources of evidence must in the end be consistent with a single history. We will find that consistency not by shoehorning the evidence together, but by interpreting each with the strongest possible skepticism concerning assumptions and models.

    Weidenreich's introduction illustrates two cases. The simpler, from our point of view today, was Piltdown. Many establishment anthropologists, particularly in Britain, had maintained that Piltdown was a morphologically advanced ancestor of modern humans, which had lived early in the geological record of human evolution. Weidenreich had been an early and prominent critic of this idea, because he was convinced that the specimen simply did not fit together with its supposed geological context.

    I cannot believe, even making very liberal allowances for these uncertainties, that such incongruity between morphology and chronology as is found in the case of Piltdown can be completely brought into accord. The only hope of solution in this case would lie in assuming that the human bones were not contemporaneous with the layer in whih they were found but were deposited there later. Otherwise, modern man must be much more ancient than we ever imagined, or else Western European man did not pass through evolutionary stages as did the hymans of other regions of the earth.

    We now know, of course, that Weidenreich was entirely correct. The apparent geological facts were false, and the "advanced" characters of the specimen were simple reflections of the fact that the skull is a modern human skull.

    The other problem Weidenreich discussed in some detail was the phylogenetic position of the Steinheim skull. Like Piltdown, this specimen had been placed in a Presapiens context by other workers. Steinheim lacks most of the derived characteristics of later Neandertal specimens. Weidenreich, along with many of his contemporaries, accepted its lack of Neandertal features as evidence for affinity with modern humans. In Weidenreich's view, this similarity with modern humans was "anachronistic". Even so, the case did not challenge an evolutionary interpretation, only the assumption that features could evolve from "primitive" to "modern" along a single line. If we admit that Neandertal features were not in all cases "primitive", even if they may resemble superficially the characteristics of some apes, we can accommodate specimens like Steinheim within a population model where both moderns and Neandertals may have derived (and in some cases, secondarily derived) characters that appeared afterward.

    This scenario requires us to straighten out the analysis of the characters themselves, a process for which larger fossil samples are essential. It was to that end that Weidenreich supposed the Sinanthropus sample to be of such great utility. The subtext of the introduction was to illuminate the kinds of evolutionary problems that could be further illuminated by a full description of fossil variation. Finding variation in fossil humans did not repudiate the concept that modern humans had evolved in stages from primitive ancestors, but helps to clarify cases where the evolution has not been a simple linear progression. In many cases, features that are superficially "primitive" may actually have been secondarily derived in recent humans compared to earlier hominins.

    Along similar lines, I ran across this old post: "Dobzhansky on Weidenreich's species concept", in which Dobzhansky predicts:

    Some modern populations may carry genes that were present in the Neanderthaloids, and other moderns may not carry such genes.


    References

    Synopsis: 
    Weidenreich's introduction to the Sinanthropus cranial monograph illuminates some issues I'm facing with ancient genomes.

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Neandertals

For years, I've worked on their bones. Now I'm working on their genes. Read more about the science studying these ancient people.

Denisova

From a finger bone of an ancient human came the record of a completely unexpected population. My lab is working on the science of the Denisova genome.

Acceleration

The advent of agriculture caused natural selection to speed up greatly in humans. We're uncovering some of the ways that populations have rapidly changed during the last 10,000 years.

Malapa

Just outside Johannesburg, the Malapa site is producing some of the most exciting finds in human evolution. This site is the headquarters of the Malapa Soft Tissue Project.