john hawks weblog

paleoanthropology, genetics and evolution

Indus curry leftovers

Tue, 2013-01-29 21:52 -- John Hawks

Slate has a fun story by Andrew Lawler that covers some of how we study ancient diets: "The Mystery of Curry":

Examining the human teeth and the residue from the cooking pots, Kashyap spotted the telltale signs of turmeric and ginger, two key ingredients, even today, of a typical curry. This marked the first time researchers had found unmistakable traces of the spices in the Indus civilization. Wanting to be sure, she and Weber took to their kitchens in Vancouver, Washington. “We got traditional recipes, cooked dishes, then examined the residues to see how the structures broke down,” Weber recalls. The results matched what they had unearthed in the field. “Then we knew we had the oldest record of ginger and turmeric.” Dated to between 2500 and 2200 B.C., the finds are the first time either spice has been identified in the Indus. They also found a carbonized clove of garlic, a plant that was used in this era by cooks from Egypt to China.

It's a nice piece. Paleoanthropologists are using similar techniques to probe the diets of Neandertals and other ancient humans. It will be a lot of fun when we can compare a wider variety of ancient cuisines.

Speaking of Neandertal FOXP2

Tue, 2013-01-29 00:39 -- John Hawks

Tomislav Maricic and colleagues from Svante Pääbo's group have reported finding a regulatory change in the gene FOXP2 that may be of relevance to the evolution of human speech [1]. To telegraph the conclusion, the paper does not demonstrate that Neandertals or Denisovans were different from humans in speech or language-relevant phenotypes.

Most important, a substantial number of living people share the ancestral genotype inferred for Neandertals and Denisovans for the site considered in the study. It is a genetic change within living people that may have been important, but it is an instance where human variation includes the Neandertal genotype.

I'm going to let the paper's mini-review do the work of describing the background to the study:

Among humans, sequence variation around exon 7 shows an excess of derived nucleotide variants at high frequencies and of rare nucleotide variants, indicating that the region has been affected by a selective sweep (Enard et al. 2002; Zhang et al. 2002; Yu et al. 2009). It has been estimated that this happened within the last 200,000 years (Enard et al. 2002) or 55,000 years (Coop et al. 2008). Because it was initially assumed that at least one of the two amino acid substitutions were the cause of the sweep, it was expected that at least one of them would not be present in Neandertals, who shared a common ancestor with modern humans 370–450,000 years ago (Green et al. 2010). However, both nucleotide substitutions were found in two Neandertals from Spain (Krause et al. 2007) as well as in Neandertals from Croatia (Green et al. 2010), and in Denisovans, an extinct Asian hominin group related to Neandertals (Reich et al. 2010). Furthermore, it was found that linkage disequilibrium extends across exon 7 in present-day humans, which is not expected if one of the two amino acid changes in exon 7 was the target of selection (Ptak et al. 2009). Hence, although at least one of the two amino acid changes is very likely evolutionarily relevant given the functional data and the conservation of FOXP2, they are not likely to be the cause for the selective sweep. Assuming that a sweep did occur, it must therefore be caused by some other variant in the region, possibly affecting the regulation or splicing of FOXP2.

It was a big story that humans had a recent sweep in this gene, eliminating most of the variation, and that humans are different from other primates in the coding sequence. But the apparent timing of the sweep did not make sense in combination with the observation that Neandertals share the human coding sequence.

One resolution of these observations is the hypothesis that the human version of FOXP2 simply came from Neandertals. I wrote about a short paper by Graham Coop and colleagues in 2008 that went along similar lines ("FOXP2 is really recent, it really did introgress (if it's not contamination)"). Coop and colleagues substantiated the hypothesis of a recent selective sweep, but at the same time they did acknowledge that selection on some other linked locus might account for the evidence.

Maricic and colleagues have found another linked genetic change that could account for the sweep. In their scenario, the sweep was only the most recent of possibly several changes under selection to this gene. This most recent one involved a regulatory change within exon 7 of the gene that did not affect the coding sequence at all.

The sequence analysis carried out by Maricic and colleagues is very straightforward. They simply resequenced the gene region from Neandertal specimens to get a list of sites where Neandertals and Denisovans do not carry a derived human variant, and then resequenced the gene in 50 humans to see how many of the derived human mutations are high-frequency. The one they identify is both high-frequency and affects a candidate regulatory site. The site is a binding site for the transcription factor POU3F2. The rest of the paper documents their attempts to demonstrate an effect of this site on gene regulation in tissue culture. They conclude:

The transcription factor POU3F2 is expressed exclusively in the central nervous system (Schreiber et al. 1993), more specifically in postmitotic neurons and glia (Hagino-Yamagishi et al. 1997). Within the central nervous system, FOXP2 is expressed in postmitotic neurons (Ferland et al. 2003). Thus, it is reasonable to assume that POU3F2 regulates expression of FOXP2 in neurons. It is furthermore interesting that position 114076877 is located at the point in intron 8 of the FOXP2 gene where the pattern of allele frequencies among humans indicates that a functional change occurred that could be responsible for a positive selective sweep affecting the FOXP2 gene during the last 50,000 years (Coop et al. 2008). It is noteworthy that this is the only nucleotide variant in that region where the majority of present-day people carry a derived variant that is not present in Neandertals and Denisovans. Thus, it is possible that this change was positively selected recently during the evolution of fully modern humans.

However, the ancestral allele shared by Neandertals and Denisovans is also fairly common in some human populations today. As Maricic and colleagues conclude, the obvious thing to do is look at homozygote carriers of the allele to see if they're different from noncarriers:

The ancestral allele occurs at frequencies of ∼10% in some African populations (supplementary table S6, Supplementary Material online). Therefore, individuals homozygous for the ancestral allele can be expected to occur at a frequency of approximately 1% in the population. In such individuals, the phenotype of the ancestral allele should be observable even if is recessive to the derived allele. Further work will explore the phenotypes of such homozygous carriers of the ancestral allele and the consequences of the substitution at position 114076877 on FOXP2 transcription in model systems.

This all seems logical. We may not be able to say that Neandertals were just like us in FOXP2 -- but that's because we're not all alike. They're just like some of us.

The only thing I would add is that the number of humans covered by the study is still quite small. The paper examined only 50 individuals from the HGDP set; additionally they considered the 1000 Genomes data. It is interesting that the Neandertal-Denisovan ancestral allele at this site is not present in several of the samples outside Africa in the 1000 Genomes data, but it is present in two of the American samples, and in all the African samples. So although the region looks like it was positively selected at some point during the last 100,000 years or so, we still can't yet say that the ancestral allele carried by Neandertals was disadvantageous within later populations.

Larger samples would settle that question. In the meantime, this study does point the way toward a wider analysis of differences in gene regulation among archaic human genomes.


References

When Hollywood and paleoanthropology intersect, 2

Mon, 2013-01-28 23:43 -- John Hawks

A couple of weeks ago, TV's Bones series, which features stories inspired by forensic anthropologist Kathy Reichs, did an episode with a relevant plot: The FBI encounters bones dug up by an archaeologist in Chechnya, which turn out to be Ayla's family, or something thereabouts -- a family group of Neandertal, modern human, and hybrid offspring. A reader tipped me to the story, but I'm not a regular viewer of the show. Fortunately, Kristina Killgrove -- along with her excellent work in Roman bioarchaeology -- also watches and reviews episodes of Bones: "Bones - Season 8, Episode 11 (Review)".

She describes the plot and applies the reality filter -- including things the writers got right, and the parts that were, well, weaker:

Edison said "epiphynis" for some odd reason. He and Brennan both kept saying "Homo sapien" which really just annoys the crap out of me. (Seriously, I harp on this with my students - it's sapiens, as it's from the Latin present participle, which ends in -ns. Also, it's super easy to remember it has an -s at the end because literally all other major Homo species do: H. habilis, H. erectus, H. neanderthalensis, and H. sapiens. For different linguistic reasons, but it makes it easy to remember!) I could go on and on about how they kept saying "Neanderthal" rather than "Neandertal" (the latter being the preferred pronunciation today), but... yeah. Argh. Just. Argh.

The plot twist of the creationist who funded archaeological work so that he could destroy the finds was pretty clever.

"Brittle techniques"

Mon, 2013-01-28 00:03 -- John Hawks

I was pointed to a rant from early last year written by Fred Ross: "A farewell to bioinformatics".

Like any good rant, it is extreme and I don't endorse it, but like all good rants it has kernels of truth.

This all seems an inauspicious beginning for a field. Anything so worthless should quickly shrivel up and die, right? Well, intentionally or not, bioinformatics found a way to survive: obfuscation. By making the tools unusable, by inventing file format after file format, by seeking out the most brittle techniques and the slowest languages, by not publishing their algorithms and making their results impossible to replicate, the field managed to reduce its productivity by at least 90%, probably closer to 99%. Thus the thread of failures can be stretched out from years to decades, hidden by the cloak of incompetence.

Data structures in bioinformatics should be designed for robusticity and ease of re-use by different research teams. But that won't happen unless grant money to support data collection requires it. Open access to data is wonderful, but it is only the first step toward open science.

Send in the clones

Sun, 2013-01-27 00:46 -- John Hawks

I didn't comment on the Neandertal cloning kerfuffle this week. Now that it's sort of died down, I'll provide a link to a Knight Science Journalism Tracker story by Faye Flam that gives some context and timeline: "Weird Science: The Attack of the Neanderthal Clone Baby Stories".

What reader could resist clicking on a headline about a mad scientist trying to find women to carry Neanderthal clones? It sounds like something from the old supermarket tabloid the Weekly World News, but this latest whopper is loosely based on a real statement by a real scientist.

In his book, Regenesis, written with Ed Regis, Harvard researcher George Church really did say that it might be possible to clone Neanderthal babies using the Neanderthal genome sequence reconstructed with synthetic biology. And the kicker: A cloned embryo of our extinct cousin could be gestated by an “adventurous” woman. (On the plus side, the first volunteer would be shoe-in to get her own reality show.)

I heard from a few readers this week who wanted to know (a) if Church is really close to cloning a Neandertal, and (b) where they could sign up.

The answer is that this isn't going to be technically possible for quite some time. This is not the same problem as cloning a living person. A living cell can provide functional genetic material that can be used to generate a cloned cell. Neandertal skeletal remains have DNA only in very short, nonfunctional bits. Taking genetic information and making it into a working chromosome is a very substantial technical challenge, and ensuring that the genetic information is free of errors and capable of yielding a viable embryo will be massively difficult. Church is an optimist about the rate of progress on these problems, and I have correspondents who think these advances may happen in less than ten years. Personally I think it will be more than thirty.

By that time, human cloning will probably be routine.

Some people are not that interested in understanding the technology, they just want to talk about ethics. That's why so many press outlets picked up the story, and why Church tried to walk back his comments after they received such wide press. I have some thoughts about the ethical aspects of cloning as applied to Neandertals, but they'll take some more time and space to describe.

Selection is for the dogs

Wed, 2013-01-23 16:17 -- John Hawks

I was really pleased to see the new paper by Erik Axelsson and colleagues [1] on the pattern of recent selection on domesticated dogs. As we began working on recent selection in humans, we expected that domesticated animals might exhibit similar patterns genome-wide. They are among the organisms most similar to humans in demography and ecological change: Domesticated animals have all undergone rapid shifts in diet, predator ecology and social dynamics after domestication, at the same time that they have experienced rapid increases in population size. That is a recipe for rapid adaptive evolution.

As in humans, the paper shows that dogs were selected strongly for a new agricultural diet. Just as in humans who descend from early agriculturalists, dogs have extensive duplication of the amylase gene. Humans express amylase in saliva, but as explained in the paper dogs only produce amylase in the pancreas, where it digests starches intestinally. Where this paper gets really exciting is when the authors began to investigate the entire metabolic pathway underlying starch digestion. The amylase gene AMY2B underwent duplications similar to those in humans, and not found in wolves. Two other genes that interact in starch digestion and glucose uptake did not undergo duplication but do show near-fixed haplotypes in dogs that are absent or very rare in wolves, and the paper shows using both biochemistry and phylogenetic comparison with herbivores and omnivores that the dog versions of these genes increase enzymatic activity on starches and glucose uptake.

In conclusion, we have presented evidence that dog domestication was accompanied by selection at three genes with key roles in starch digestion: AMY2B, MGAM and SGLT1. Our results show that adaptations that allowed the early ancestors of modern dogs to thrive on a diet rich in starch, relative to the carnivorous diet of wolves, constituted a crucial step in early dog domestication. This may suggest that a change of ecological niche could have been the driving force behind the domestication process, and that scavenging in waste dumps near the increasingly common human settlements during the dawn of the agricultural revolution may have constituted this new niche6. In light of previous results describing the timing and location of dog domestication, our findings may suggest that the development of agriculture catalysed the domestication of dogs.

So for those of you wondering why we feed dogs kibble instead of raw beef, here's the reason.

After finding candidate regions for selection across the genome, the authors ran a gene ontology analysis to see whether functional gene loci in these regions fall into any consistent categories. Along with the metabolic and digestive genes, they found

The most conspicuous cluster (11 terms) relates to the term ‘nervous system development’. The eight genes belonging to this category (Supplementary Tables 7 and 8) include MBP, VWC2, SMO, TLX3, CYFIP1 and SH3GL2, of which several affect developmental signalling and synaptic strength and plasticity. We surveyed published literature and identified 11 additional CDR genes with central nervous system function (Supplementary Table 9), adding to a total of 19 CDRs that contain brain genes. These findings support the hypothesis that selection for altered behaviour was important during dog domestication and that mutations affecting developmental genes may underlie these changes7.

That is a similar story to humans. We don't know what such genes might do, and unraveling what difference these genes may have made to behavior will take a lot of additional understanding of developmental biology. Much easier to work out what is going on when you can examine the biochemistry in vitro as with starch enzymes.

The paper also makes clear why finding evidence of selection can be a difficult empirical problem at the moment:

Uniquely placed sequence reads from pooled DNA representing 12 wolves of worldwide distribution and 60 dogs from 14 diverse breeds (Supplementary Table 1) covered 91.6% and 94.6%, respectively, of the 2,385 megabases (Mb) of autosomal sequence in the CanFam 2.0 genome assembly11. The aligned coverage depth was 29.8× for all dog pools combined and 6.2× for the single wolf pool (Supplementary Table 1 and Supplementary Fig. 1). We identified 3,786,655 putative single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) in the combined dog and wolf data, 1,770,909 (46.8%) of which were only segregating in the dog pools, whereas 140,818 (3.7%) were private to wolves (Supplementary Table 2). Similarly we detected 506,148 short indels and 26,619 copy-number variations (CNVs) (Supplementary Files 1 and 2). We were able to experimentally validate 113 out of 114 tested SNPs (Supplementary Table 3 and Supplementary Discussion, section 1).

If that sounds confusing, that's because it is confusing. Right now whole-genome sequencing is not yet routine, and whole-exome sequencing is not routine for creatures other than people. So maximizing the available data means working with partial genomes at varying levels of coverage, often accumulated for other purposes by other research groups using different sequencing platforms. Verifying sequence differences is not trivial. Generating a sample of gene sequences from many individuals is challenging, particularly as different individuals may be covered or not for different parts of their genomes.

Studying selection requires a fairly large sample of genomes. This paper establishes evidence of selection on a few things in which domesticated dogs are mostly the same, and all are different from wolves. In other words, these are "complete sweeps" or "near-complete sweeps", in which a new genetic variant has become mostly fixed within the domesticated dog sample. A larger sample of dogs would be able to test selection with a broader range of strength and initial date, including "partial sweeps" and selection on standing variation that may have already existed in ancestral wolves before being subject to selection in domesticated dogs. So this paper opens a new area of inquiry on the causes of domestication without ruling out that we will discover much, much more about the history of selection in dogs.

One really cool possibility is that we will uncover convergent or parallel patterns of selection in dogs with different geographic origins. Already we know that body size and pigmentation have been subject to selection in different dog breeds, and that single genes transferred across breeds have been important parts of that process. There are a few cases in humans where the extensive geographic dispersal of a single adaptive variant can explain the present distribution of a trait. But in many more cases, different human groups have attained traits by parallel selection on different genetic variants. Because humans control the breeding of dogs and traded dogs across long distances in historic times, we may find that dogs are much less affected by parallelism and much more by long-distance gene flow than humans. But we won't know until we put that hypothesis to the test.


References

Autonomous asteroid manufacturing

Tue, 2013-01-22 20:03 -- John Hawks

Adam Mann of Wired describes the interesting plans of Deep Space Industries, working on the idea of how to make money from asteroid mining: "New Asteroid Mining Company Aims to Manufacture Products in Space".

A year later, DSI wants to launch larger spacecraft called DragonFlies that can make a round-trip journey to an asteroid and bring back samples. They estimate the trip will take two to four years and can return as much as 70 kg (150 lbs) of asteroid material to Earth orbit. DSI has patented technology they claim can extract precious metals from raw asteroid material and build it into parts with a 3-D printer.

The article makes it sound like they're trying to finance space operations by selling tchochkes.

Real manufacturing of most light-yet-expensive items today involves layers upon layers of different substances fitted together into complicated objects. That kind of assembly and separate refining of hundreds of substances on an asteroid would be a true engineering challenge. It's easy to see that the ability to manufacture parts in space at large scale would be much more valuable for use in space than back on Earth.

Quote: Craig Stanford on gorilla habitat threats

Tue, 2013-01-22 11:02 -- John Hawks

Primatologist Craig Stanford was interviewed about habitat threats to gorilla populations by a public radio station: "The Human Threat to Great Apes":

Cell phones, like many other electronic devices, are built with capacitors, which require tantalum extracted from coltan. Eighty percent of the world’s coltan supply is mined in the Democratic Republic of Congo, in the heart of the remaining habitat of eastern lowland gorillas. With an increasing demand for electronics driving a worldwide hunger for coltan, miners in the DRC are polluting and consuming gorilla habitat while extracting the ore. Compounding the problem, miners hunt the apes for food. The situation is grim, and these gorilla populations will go extinct soon without a sustained effort to intervene.

Cell phones aren't the most common devices with capacitors, but they certainly help to personalize the issue.

The workings of leprosy

Fri, 2013-01-18 09:25 -- John Hawks

Mo Costandi describes a paper with a really fascinating finding about the workings of leprosy: "Leprosy spreads by reprogramming nerve cells into migratory stem cells".

Anura Rambukkana of the MRC Centre for Regenerative Medicine at the University of Edinburgh and his colleagues isolated Schwann cells from adult mice, grew them in Petri dishes and infected them with M. leprae. They found that the bacterium gradually turns off the genes that give Schwann cells their characteristic properties, and then activates another set of genes that transforms them into something resembling neural crest stem cells, which are only present in the embryo, and which migrate from the developing nervous along various routes to form a wide variety of tissues, including muscle, bone, cartilage, and the Schwann cells and sensory neurons of the peripheral nerves.

On a scale of how parasites and pathogens manipulate our biological pathways to achieve their own ends, this one runs pretty deep. Exploiting our mechanisms of embryonic development to migrate through the body inside our own cells. Leprosy may be one of the oldest human pathogens, with its long slow course really well suited to spreading in small human communities with infrequent contacts among groups.

Social media, social dynamics, and the Dunbar number

Fri, 2013-01-18 00:51 -- John Hawks

Drake Bennett in Businessweek takes on evolutionary anthropology this week in a profile of Robin Dunbar ("The Dunbar Number, From the Guru of Social Networks"). If you don't know why Businessweek would be profiling a primatologist, then you probably don't know about Robin Dunbar's work with group size and communication.

Dunbar proposed that the size of social groups is limited by our evolutionary history. Our social interactions require us to track social relationships with many people. People aren't capable of following the details of thousands of city-dwellers, we are better suited to follow details of a single city block. In Dunbar's model, we should be well adapted to track the number of people that would have occupied social groups in the distant past.

Humans can keep track of only a limited number of people, and for most social primates the group size is even smaller. Dunbar's research on primate groups led him to believe that group size is correlated with brain size among species of social primates. Given this, we might expect that the exceptionally large size of the human brain would correspond to an exceptionally large group size. By drawing a regression among brain size and group size estimates for many primate species, Dunbar arrived at the prediction that human group size should be 150 people. That became known as the "Dunbar number".

Later, as the article recounts, technologists interested in social networks such as Facebook and Twitter became interested in the concept. What if the sizes of social networks on these alternative media platforms is similarly limited by our evolutionary heritage? Surely there is big money to be made for the company that can use this evolutionary knowledge to make big money?

But the naive understanding of a hard "number" limiting human social interactions doesn't fit the evolutionary evidence.

Others, anthropologists and brain scientists in particular, challenge the evolutionary story Dunbar tells, arguing that it discounts other factors that might have driven the development of the big human brain—the pressure to figure out more efficient ways to forage, or the need to surmount the defense mechanisms of the plants and animals our ancestors wanted to eat. “Ecological pressures like avoiding predators, finding food and shelter, choosing habitats—all these kinds of decisions. I think they played a role” in brain growth, says Reader, the biologist.

Researchers who’ve used different methods to measure the size of a person’s social circle have come up with numbers that don’t match Dunbar’s. One set of studies by the anthropologist Russell Bernard and the network scientist Peter Killworth found a mean social network size of 291. Another paper, published this month in the Journal of the American Statistical Association, came up with 611.

Like many, I used to be annoyed about the idea of the "Dunbar number". Human hunter-gatherers have a huge range in actual group sizes, as do most social primates. A girl might be born in a group of 20, see that group swell or merge with other groups to 100 or more, transfer to a different group along with a sister, and marry outside her social group entirely. Over a lifespan, she may face many different group sizes, and have "tight" relationships with other individuals born more than a century apart.

No single number could describe this complexity. People vary extensively in their social interactions and knowledge of other peoples' social lives. Some people track hundreds of others, some people are relative shut-ins and know only a few. Human environments are novel today in many ways relative to our evolutionary history, but the sheer scope of variation in sociality belies the notion that we come from a monolithic history. It makes about as much sense as saying that human mass is 65 kg and not recognizing the development (from 3 kg at birth) and extensive variation in mass among individuals.

My attitude has softened toward the Dunbar number, because it does capture something about the scale of social networks. Humans are not all 65 kilograms, but more than 99 percent of adult humans are within factor of two of that. Most of the time, when articles describe the concept of the Dunbar number, they describe it in ways that signify scale rather than an exact number. From this article, for example:

A paper published in 2011 found that on Twitter the average number of other people a user regularly interacts with falls between 100 and 200. And though the limit on how many Facebook friends one can have is a generous 5,000, the average user has 190—more than 150, but within what Dunbar sees as the margin of error.

If 190 is within the margin of error of 150, we're talking about a scale within a factor of at least 1.3. And that's on a mean -- not on the actual variation.

Cognitive limits do constrain our behavior. But species-wide cognitive limits have almost no ability to predict the sizes of particular groups. Hence orangutans, gorillas and chimpanzees have very different social group sizes despite similar brain sizes. And cognition isn't dedicated to a single social function; there are many:

Morin likes to point out that it’s misleading to talk about a single Dunbar Number. Dunbar actually describes a scale of numbers, delimiting ever-widening circles of connection. The innermost is a group of three to five, our very closest friends. Then there is a circle of 12 to 15, those whose death would be devastating to us. (This is also, Dunbar points out, the size of a jury.) Then comes 50, “the typical overnight camp size among traditional hunter-gatherers like the Australian Aboriginals or the San Bushmen of southern Africa,” Dunbar writes in his book How Many Friends Does One Person Need? Beyond 150 there are further rings: Fifteen hundred, for example, is the average tribe size in hunter-gatherer societies, the number of people who speak the same language or dialect. These numbers, which Dunbar has teased out of surveys and ethnographies, grow by a factor of roughly three. Why, he isn’t sure.

One way to look at it is scaling: Larger groupings are in some ways metagroups: composed themselves of smaller groups that can act semi-independently. These dynamics are limited in scope before the metagroups disintegrate under their own complexity.

But I think the null hypothesis is that we are imposing this scaling on the data. A factor-of-three difference is just wide enough for an analyst to separate biological distributions without much overlap. Try to sort human activities into different sizes of groups, and you'll get a factor-of-three separation automatically.

Are different "levels" of social relationship really adaptively different? If they are, we might be drawing upon different cognitive resources for different levels of relationship -- one kind of thinking for close friends, another kind for distant acquaintances. If instead the appearance of different levels is really just a consequence of mapping a continuous distribution into different sizes of groups, then the levels may not be adaptively different, and we may be using the same cognitive resources in ways scaled to our knowledge of the individuals involved. That adaptive question has to shape the way we conceive of limits on cognition, and the relationship between cognitive evolution and social dynamics. It will be more complicated than a single number.

Assignment by algorithm

Wed, 2013-01-16 08:52 -- John Hawks

Another teaching-related post today, this one pointing to a post by Marc Bousquet: "Robots are grading your papers!" It's about the sterile repetition of the same style of writing in college courses. As the linked post discusses, research is showing that algorithms can produce the same grades for such work as human graders. What does this mean about the typical college-level writing assignment?

It seems possible that what really troubles us about the success of machine assessment of simple writing forms isn’t the scoring, but the writing itself–forms of writing that don’t exist anywhere in the world except school. It’s reasonable to say that the forms of writing successfully scored by machines are already-mechanized forms–writing designed to be mechanically produced by students, mechanically reviewed by parents and teachers, and then, once transmuted into grades and sorting of the workforce, quickly recycled. As Evan Watkins has long pointed out, the grades generated in relation to this writing stick around, but the writing itself is made to disappear. Like magic? Or like concealing the evidence of a crime?

Is this the same as my feeling last week that instructors shouldn't assign work they don't want to read ("Against onanistic essays")? Grading by computer does require clear objectives and outcomes, which probably increases the overall learning. We want students who can surpass the form, but they need to be able to understand and meet the form first.

UPDATE (2013-01-16): The rest of the article has some really good insight about the nature of teaching scholarly writing. For example:

So why don’t we teach that relationship to scholarly discourse, the kind represented by the skill of summary in Howard’s research? Why don’t we teach students to compose a representative review of scholarship on a question? On the sound basis of a lit review, we could then facilitate an attempt at a modest original contribution to a question, whether it was gathering data or offering new insight.

The fact is, I rarely run into students at the B.A. or M.A. level who have been taught the relationship to source material represented by compiling a representative literature review. Few even recognize the term.

Bousquet also draws attention to the way that hackneyed conventions of journalism have contributed to poor teaching of writing. I think his take is elitist and counterproductive in some ways, but he is certainly correct that good models for nonfiction writing are not widely used in the teaching of writing.

Quote: Fossey on Louis Leakey's sense of humor

Tue, 2013-01-15 22:21 -- John Hawks

Dian Fossey, writing in Gorillas in the Mist about her recruitment to study the mountain gorilla:

Our conversation ended with his assertion that it was mandatory I should have my appendix removed before venturing into the remote wilderness of the gorillas' high altitude habitat in central Africa. I would have agreed to almost anything at that point and promptly made plans for an appendectomy.

Some six weeks later on returning home from the hospital sans appendix, I found a letter from Dr. Leakey. It began, "Actully there really isn't any dire need for you to have your appendix removed. That is only my way of testing applicants' determination!" This was my first introduction to Dr. Leakey's unique sense of humor.

The importance of rare variants

Tue, 2013-01-15 11:20 -- John Hawks

I was reading an article on massive open online courses (MOOCs) ("MOOCs Assessed, Modestly"), and struck by the final quote:

“In a regular Stanford class, if 2 of 100 students got something like that wrong, we wouldn’t even notice it,” [Andrew] Ng said. “But when 2,000 out of 100,000” do, it’s immediately evident. “It’s ironic that in order to achieve personalization at the level of telling students exactly what their misconception is, what was needed was to teach massive amounts of students.”

It's not ironic, it's exactly why we're expanding genetic studies to include hundreds of thousands of subjects. A complex system can fail in many ways, most of which will be rare. Finding rare causes requires giant samples. But what I love most about this Coursera example is that they figured out a way to flag the error as students make it, so that they can learn at the moment when they might make the mistake. Following students through the system, on a massive scale, gives a new way to improve learning.

Quote: Google or existential searching

Sun, 2013-01-13 23:55 -- John Hawks

Nicholas Carr, beginning a post discussing the increasing role of Google not only in finding what we're looking for, but in anticipating the searches we haven't yet started (The searchers):

When we talk about “searching” these days, we’re almost always talking about using Google to find something online. That’s quite a turn for a word that has always carried existential connotations, that has always been bound up in our sense of what it means to be conscious and alive. We don’t just search for car keys or missing socks. We search for truth and meaning, for love, for transcendence, for peace, for ourselves. To be human is to be a searcher.

Neandertal anti-defamation files, 18

Sun, 2013-01-13 23:37 -- John Hawks

I recently ran across a book of relationship advice by John V. Farrar, titled Dump the Neanderthal; Choose Your Prime Mate.

OK, yes, seriously. Dump the Neanderthal.

Here's a passage:

The image of the Neanderthal was chosen for the title of this book because it seemed to epitomize the notion of an insensitive, thoughtless and, perhaps at times, an even brutish partner. Neanderthal-like behavior may not necessarily be physical, but it is always discounting of the wishes and feelings of his partner. A dysfunctional, unhealthy relationship does not exhibit either fairness or balance. The Neanderthal-like male says whatever he feels like saying, while she carefully watches her words. She does the cooking while he does all the eating. He abuses, and she gets abused. And so on. There is an imbalance in both effort and power. While she may be the breadwinner, for example, he may control the finances. She may work harder than he does to be sexually attractive, but he dictates their physical life together. As a result, the woman in these relationships manifests the stereotypical emotions of guilt, frustration, and mental exhaustion.

This guy is clearly worse than Broud from Clan of the Cave Bear. All the worst stereotypes. Can't therapists leave these poor ancient people alone? First Talia Shire, and now this!

I mean, seriously -- you want a modern, feeling partner, you can't do better than a real Neandertal.

You can rest assured: If you see me write "Dump the Neanderthal", it's about spelling the word without the "h".

Quote: Dalton's colorblindness

Sat, 2013-01-12 20:59 -- John Hawks

I'm writing up some text on the evolution of trichromatic vision, which I always present in my intro class. As I'm writing I got curious about the history of how scientists discovered the evolutionary story of trichromacy and have been reading some historical references. Very interesting is a book by Sir William de Wiveleslie Abney, who gave a series of lectures about color vision in 1894 [1]. His description of the discovery of colorblindness as a phenotype in the 18th century is fun, including a passage describing how the chemist John Dalton recognized his own colorblindness and proceeded to rigorously quantify it. Here's an excerpt:

Mr. Babbage, in Scientific London (1874), gives an account of Dalton's presentation at Court.

Firstly, he was a Quaker, and would not wear a sword, which is an indispensable appendage to ordinary Court-dress. Secondly, the robe of a Doctor of Civil Laws was known to be objectionable on account of its color - scarlet, being one forbidden by the Quakers. Luckily, it was recollected that Dalton was affected with that peculiar colour blindness which bore his name, and that as cherries and the leaves of a cherry-tree were to him of the same colour, the scarlet gown would present no extraordinary appearance. So perfect evidence was the colour blindness, that the most modest and simple of men, after having received the Doctor's gown at Oxford, actually wore it for several days in happy unconsciousness of the effect he produced in the street.


References

Online communication biases upon the public perception of science

Sat, 2013-01-12 18:01 -- John Hawks

Last week's issue of Science included a perspective piece by my UW colleagues Dominique Brossard and Dietram A. Scheufele, from Life Science Communication [1]. They focus on the impact of technology and internet communication on the public understanding of science.

People find information online today very differently from the way people used to find information, whether from the traditional printed press or in libraries. Information in broad, authoritative works such as encyclopedias, textbooks or indexes involved highly selective editing by humans, moderated by expert opinion. A reader looking in any printed encyclopedia would be likely to see the same basic facts and be directed to the same essential references.

Now, computer algorithms do much of this job by tracking what people choose to look at after they have searched for a topic or keyword. This changes the process of information discovery, and as Brossard and Scheufele discuss, may introduce feedbacks into the process with unpredictable effects:

[T]here are often clear discrepancies between what people search for online, which specific areas are suggested to them by search engines, and what people ultimately find. As a result, someone's initial question about a scientific topic, the search results offered by a search engine, and the algorithms that a search provider uses to tailor retrieved content to a search may all be linked in a self-reinforcing informational spiral in which search queries and the resulting Web traffic drive algorithms and vice versa (7). This raises an interesting paradox when it comes to relatively new scientific topics, such as nanotechnology, that are still unfamiliar to many people: Is the World Wide Web opening up a new world of easily accessible scientific information to lay audiences with just a few clicks? Or are we moving toward an online science communication environment in which knowledge gain and opinion formation are increasingly shaped by how search engines present results, direct traffic, and ultimately narrow our informational choices?

I encounter this problem here with my weblog. It is very difficult to design an effective presentation strategy for topic-specific searches on a website. It is also hard to maintain internal search capacity on a site the size of this one, with content that comprises both original text and bibliographic references. As you can tell by the fact that I frequently deactivate internal searching altogether, this has been a pain for me to develop and maintain.

The more newsworthy part of this essay is a reference to the effects of online comments after articles about science and technology topics. Brossard and Scheufele refer to a recent conference that covered this topic, and the results of a study in which subjects were exposed to the same story but with different types of comment sections:

Disturbingly, readers' interpretations of potential risks associated with the technology described in the news article differed significantly depending only on the tone of the manipulated reader comments posted with the story. Exposure to uncivil comments (which included name calling and other non–content-specific expressions of incivility) polarized the views among proponents and opponents of the technology with respect to its potential risks. In other words, just the tone of the comments following balanced science stories in Web 2.0 environments can significantly alter how audiences think about the technology itself.

Anyone who reads comments sections following news articles surely will have noticed the rotten wealth of trolls and other idiots who inhabit such forums. I thought about Brossard and Scheufele's piece again today when I read a post by Dan Conover at Xark: "Why I shut down comments". The post reflects on how blog communities have changed since the early days of blogging in 2005. This timeframe has coincided with the growth of social media of other types, such as Facebook and Twitter, which have given many people a closed community for sharing comments and perspectives with like-minded folks. Conover observes that the trolls and spam are more persistent, causing a rapid degradation of the value of comment sections of many blogs.

This isn't of course universal. Many blogs continue to have rich and varied comment sections with their posts, and some (like mine) never had any comments at all. What I find more interesting is this passage:

I believed then, as I believe now, that the ability to comment and share across horizontal, informal networks is the killer app for the 21st century.

Which sounds nice.

Unfortunately, newspaper and other traditional-media websites, for all their hand-wringing concerns about libel and civility circa 2005, are typically the worst offenders when it comes to building quality comment cultures. We've taught users bad habits and turned comment sections into troll ghettos.

Comments on professional news websites are almost always useless, misguided, or malevolent. Combine this with Brossard and Scheufele's claim that the tone of comment sections affects readers' comprehension of science and technology stories, and I propose a hypothesis: Professional news websites may be the worst way to communicate science, because their comment policies undercut science comprehension.


References

Extinction in perspective

Fri, 2013-01-11 22:28 -- John Hawks

A recent question and answer item in BMC Biology focused on human-induced extinctions, featuring expert Baron Robert May [1] (Open access). It is a useful piece, and here's a short excerpt about how the workforce in biology is misconstructed to fully understand biodiversity:

The workforce of systematists and taxonomists is estimated to be apportioned roughly equally among vertebrate animals, invertebrate animals and plants (with microorganisms an order of magnitude smaller). Yet the known number of vertebrate species is smaller than those of plant species and invertebrate species by one and two orders of magnitude, respectively. Things get worse as we move to research literature on conservation biology: a recent study of 2,700 papers published over 15 years in the two top conservation research journals shows 69% on vertebrates (four-fifths of the 69% on birds and mammals), 20% on plants, and 11% on invertebrates (one-third of the 11% on Lepidoptera).


References

Getting a grip on your marbles

Fri, 2013-01-11 17:11 -- John Hawks

I found today's post by Ed Yong fascinating because of the interaction he provoked between two scientists on Twitter. The subject is the evolution of finger pads that become wrinkly when wet, as humans' fingertips do:

But evolutionary biologist Mark Changizi has an intriguing hypothesis about the origin of pruney fingers—they’re an adaptation that allows us to grip wet surfaces. Like the rain treads on tyres, when pressed down, pruney fingers create channels that let water drain away, allowing them to make better contact with damp surfaces.

Yong points to a new experiment by Kyriacos Kareklas and colleagues [1], where they find that wrinkly wet fingers are better at picking up wet marbles underwater than unwrinkled fingers, and that wrinkling makes no difference at all to picking up dry marbles.

This is one of stories to which people seem to have a love-it/hate-it relationship. It's trivial. Most people have some personal experience with the anatomy in question. We don't have much comparative data about other primates, because the scenario in which humans show the trait is not one most primates face. And it has to do with water. That last one always brings out strong feelings because of the aquatic ape theory.

I'm pointing to the story because of Yong's next step:

I engineered a debate between [T. Ryan] Gregory and [Mark] Changizi over the pruney fingers hypothesis on Twitter, and I think it’s a fascinating case study in how to think about evolutionary hypotheses.

It's a study in 140-character chunks of the spandrel versus adaptationist positions. Which I must say, is about the longest acceptable length for this debate as applied to water-wrinkled fingertip pads.


References

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Neandertals

For years, I've worked on their bones. Now I'm working on their genes. Read more about the science studying these ancient people.

Denisova

From a finger bone of an ancient human came the record of a completely unexpected population. My lab is working on the science of the Denisova genome.

Acceleration

The advent of agriculture caused natural selection to speed up greatly in humans. We're uncovering some of the ways that populations have rapidly changed during the last 10,000 years.

Malapa

Just outside Johannesburg, the Malapa site is producing some of the most exciting finds in human evolution. This site is the headquarters of the Malapa Soft Tissue Project.